Celtic myths.

Celtic myths. In ANTIQUITY a year ago, Vincent & Ruth Megaw found a usefulparallel between the multiple definitions of the ancient Celts, as itcan be seen from varied sources, and the several ways anindividual's ethnic identity is seen and defined in thecontemporary world. Here the other view is stated: that the methodologyand interpretations advocated by the Megaws are both false anddangerous.Finding myself labelled as the 'prime mover' of some plotto deny the existence of any ancient Celtic ethnicity (Megaw & Megaw1996), I wish to defend myself. There is, in fact, some sort ofconsensus appearing among a considerable body of archaeologists inBritain, Ireland and Spain (Ruiz Zapatero 1993) about the problems ofusing the term 'Celtic' in an archaeological context In archaeology, not only the context (physical location) of a discovery is a significant fact, but the formation of the context is as well. An archaeological context is an event in time which has been preserved in the archaeological record. , thoughcertainly no unanimity of agreement about how to deal with them! Nor isthis scepticism confined to archaeology (e.g. Sims-Williams 1996).This is at least the second article that the Megaws have written onthe subject (Megaw & Megaw 1995; 1996); to judge from other lecturesI have heard them deliver, at the centenary celebrations of the Board ofCeltic Studies Celtic Studies is the academic discipline occupied with the study of any sort of cultural output relating to a Celtic people. This ranges from archaeology to history, the focus lying on the study of the various Celtic languages, living and extinct. at Cardiff in 1993, and the International CelticConference at Edinburgh in 1995, further articles are in press. Despitebeing corrected verbally and in print, by myself and others, theycontinue to distort and misrepresent mis��rep��re��sent?tr.v. mis��rep��re��sent��ed, mis��rep��re��sent��ing, mis��rep��re��sents1. To give an incorrect or misleading representation of.2. our views, indeed, what the wholedebate is about.(1)Personally, I am perfectly happy that there was some group in thepast who were labelled Celts, that we all have multiple identities whichcan vary according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. context, or as seen from within or without;indeed, I have described in print how I view my own ethnicity (Collis1995: 176-7). What I am concerned with is the misuse of archaeologicaldata and of false research methodologies which not only produces wrongresearch questions and a misreading of the archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. , butalso can lead to the abuse of archaeology for political ends. Because Iattack the methodologies does not mean that I am necessarilyunsympathetic to the political causes, such as regional identity orEuropean unity - but false methodology is false methodology.My starting point Noun 1. starting point - earliest limiting pointterminus a quocommencement, get-go, offset, outset, showtime, starting time, beginning, start, kickoff, first - the time at which something is supposed to begin; "they got an early start"; "she knew from the has been the imposition of ethnic labels onarchaeological data where they are unjustified, an interpretation whichis being promoted and promulgated in a whole series of recent books onthe Celts; indeed, we seem to be going through a new period ofCeltomania with two or three books appearing each year. Why, forinstance, do the authors of several of these books tell us in the firstfew pages that no ancient author refers to Celts in Britain or Ireland(Powell 1958: 17-18; Megaw & Megaw 1989: 10; James 1993: 8) - andthen proceed to tell us about the Irish and British Celts? Or why do themaps in these books (Powell 1958: 99; Pauli 1980b: 31; Megaw & Megaw1989: 11; James 1993: 29; Green 1995: xxiv) show the origin of the Celtsin an area which we have no definite evidence was ever Celtic, thentheir spread into areas which already seem to be Celtic, and then on toother areas, like Britain, which were never Celtic? How and when didthese strange ideas come into existence?I believe these questions can only be answered by a study of thehistoriography of the Celts, looking afresh at both the ancient andmodern writers in the context of their times - the geographical,historical, political, academic and geographical frameworks within whichthey worked - a study which I hope eventually to publish in book formwhen the research is complete. The outline which I presented in Cardiffin 1993 (Collis forthcoming a) has been followed by some detailedstudies of special areas and topics drawn from various contexts aroundEurope, as lectures and short articles (Collis 1995; forthcoming a;forthcoming b; forthcoming c). I offer here a few provisional notes todispel some misconceptions and factual errors reiterated by participantsin the debate and to open it up to wider discussion.The term 'Celts' is entirely derived from the classicalauthors who wrote in Latin or Greek. Contrary to the views of Chapman(1992) and others, some of these authors considered themselves to be ofCeltic or Gallic origin, e.g. Martial, Sidonius Apollinaris Gaius (or Caius) Sollius Modestus Apollinaris Sidonius or Saint Sidonius Apollinaris (November 5, 430, some say 423 or ca 430 – ca August, 489), poet, diplomat, bishop, is "the single most important surviving author from fifth-century Gaul" according to and TrogusPompeius. Caesar says the people who lived in central and southern Gaulcalled themselves Celts; it was not just a term (of contempt orotherwise) imposed by the 'civilized' world on fringeoutsiders. This is also true in the 16th-18th centuries when the termwas extended to the inhabitants of Britain - it was a Scotsman, a Bretonand a Welshman who did that. The ancient Celts did exist, but we do notknow by what criteria they were defined - language? geographicallocation? self-definition? - or what their boundaries were. Generallythe ancient sources are mutually contradictory, especially in theirvarying use of the terms Keltoi, Galatae or Galli; these terms cannot beused as the basis for modern archaeological nomenclature.The problem we encounter is epitomized by Herodotus' statementthat the Celts lived outside the Pillars of Herakles, and that theDanube rose in their territory. This is usually interpreted as meaningthat in the 5th century BC Celts were settled in the Iberian peninsula Iberian Peninsula,c.230,400 sq mi (596,740 sq km), SW Europe, separated from the rest of Europe by the Pyrenees. Comprising Spain and Portugal, it is washed on the N and W by the Atlantic Ocean and on the S and E by the Mediterranean Sea; the Strait of Gibraltar and in southern Germany. Herodotus nowhere mentions the Pyrenees, and -like Aristotle - seems to have thought the Danube rose in southwesternFrance; both references could simply refer to Celts in present-dayFrance. The matter is simply incapable of resolution (Fischer 1972); therecent trend in Germany to publish maps based on classical conceptshelps clarify these ambiguities (Gebhard 1993).After Sidonius Apollinaris, who wrote in the 5th century AD, theCelts effectively disappear from the historical record as an ethnicentity. It was in the Rerum Scoticarum Historia of 1582 (translated fromthe Latin in Aikman 1827) that Buchanan, having demolished the'fabulous stories' of the peopling of Britain found inmedieval sources such as Geoffrey of Monmouth and John of Fordum,postulated a Celtic origin for the Irish and Scots (in contrast to thePicts and Britons who were Gallic). Using extensive place-name evidence,he recognized the unity of a group of languages, ancient and modern,which he termed 'Gallic', with undefined Britannic, Belgic andCeltic sub-groups (Collis forthcoming b). Buchanan was the first tosuggest there were any Celts in Britain or Ireland.The concept that the early inhabitants of Britain were Celtic becamepopular from the beginning of the 18th century, firstly through thewritings of a Breton monk, Paul-Yves Pezron (Jones 1705), and followinghim, the Welshman Edward Lhuyd Edward Lhuyd (sometimes rewritten as Llwyd in recent times) (1660–June 30, 1709) was a Welsh naturalist, botanist, linguist, geographer and antiquary.Lhuyd was born in Loppington, Shropshire. , Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum Ashmolean Museum:see under Ashmole, Elias. , Oxford(Lhuyd 1707). Pezron saw what he termed the Celtic language Noun 1. Celtic language - a branch of the Indo-European languages that (judging from inscriptions and place names) was spread widely over Europe in the pre-Christian eraCeltic as an'Oriental Language' created at the time of the Tower of Babel Babel(bā`bəl)[Heb.,=confused], in the Bible, place where Noah's descendants (who spoke one language) tried to build a tower reaching up to heaven to make a name for themselves. ,originating through Gomer Gomer(gō`mər), in the Bible.1 Wife of the prophet Hosea.2 Son of Japheth and eponym of a people, probably the Cimmerians. GomerHosea’s wanton wife. [O.T. , the son of Japheth, one of the sons of Noah The Table of Nations is an extensive list of descendants of Noah appearing within the Torah at Genesis 10, representing an ethnology from an Iron Age Levantine perspective. ,and surviving in contemporary Breton and Welsh. He saw influences(similarity of words) in Greek and Latin as deriving from periods whenthose nations were dominated by Celtic speakers (the Titans). Heconsidered the Germans were descended from Ashkenaz, a son of Gomer, andthis explained the close relationship between the two language groups.Pezron's choice of the term Celtic seems to have been based on thisbeing the earlier name used in the Greek literature Greek literature refers to those writings autochthonic to the areas of Greeks|Greek]influence, typically though not necessarily in one of the Greek dialects, throughout the whole period in which the Greeks|Greek-speaking peoples have existed. . He makes no mentionof Irish or Gaelic.From this time onwards the definition of a Celt in both the ancientand contemporary worlds was defined as someone speaking a Celticlanguage.Two points need to be made. Pezron and his successors apply this newdefinition of 'Celt' as a 'Celtic speaker'retrospectively to the ancient world. This creates difficulties, as wedo not know what were the criteria used by ancient authors to defineCelts. Some, like Tacitus, do mention language; but the Celtic-speakinginhabitants of Britain were never called Celts, and so geographicallocation must have been as important. Secondly, language is the onlycriterion defining the modern Celts This article concerns those peoples who consider themselves, or have been considered by others, to be Celts in modern times, ie post 1800. However, the term is generally used for a number of peoples in Europe sharing various cultural traits and speaking Indo-European languages with (in this respect I find myself indisagreement with Evans (1995), quoted by the Megaws); there is no othercriterion which they all share and that is unique to them as a group(e.g. religion, art, social organization, etc.).For my present purposes, the later 18th and 19th centuries areirrelevant and academically a dead end, dominated by Druids andCeltomania; throughout, the concept that the early inhabitants ofBritain and Ireland were Celts was maintained - indeed thrived. From thebeginning of the 19th century, antiquities found in Britain were beingdescribed as 'Celtic' rather than 'British' - forinstance, in the publication of the Battersea shield For the EP by The Orb and Meat Beat Manifesto, see .The Battersea Shield is a sheet bronze shield. It probably dates from the first century BC to early first century AD, though an earlier date is possible. Dates from 300BC have been suggested. (Cuming 1858). InFrance and Britain a consensus emerged that the Celts arrived at thebeginning of the Bronze Age Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the ; when Franks in 1863 published a series ofBritish and continental objects (Kemble et al. 1863) which he dated tothe Iron Age, he used the term 'Late Celtic Art' to describethem. That nomenclature was subsequently employed in a series ofarticles by Sir Arthur Evans Noun 1. Arthur Evans - British archaeologist who excavated the palace of Knossos in Crete to find what he called Minoan civilization (1851-1941)Sir Arthur John Evans, Evans in the 1890s (e.g. 1890; 1896) and in thefirst book on 'Celtic art' by J. Romilly Allen in 1904. TheGerman tradition, in contrast, was to assign such objects found inGermany and France to a Greek, Etruscan, Roman or southern Frenchorigin, rather than seeing them as indigenous.Alongside the enormous strides made by German linguists in the later19th century was also a major series of publications by Frenchhistorians using classical and, later, linguistic evidence. The dominantview in the mid 19th century was that put forward by Thierry in 1828,who used Livy and Caesar in identifying the homeland of the Celts; heplaced the origin of the Gallic tribes who invaded Italy in the 5th-4thcentury in the same locations as Caesar found them in the 1st century, aview recently revived by Pare (1991). Later in the century, firstd'Arbois de Jubainville (1889; 1902), and then Bertrand &Reinach (1894) argued that their homeland was in southern Germany, northof the Alps, with most of France only being colonized in the 4th-3rdcenturies BC; their arguments were based primarily on Herodotus andPolybius, but also on place-name evidence.Archaeology meanwhile was beginning to play a major role, withincreasing chronological precision - the recognition of the existence ofan Iron Age, its sub-division into a Hallstatt and a La Tene La T��ne?adj.Of or relating to a late Iron Age Celtic civilization dating from the fifth to the first century b.c. Iron Age,and then the sub-division of those periods into phases of about acentury. The possibilities of archaeology for ethnic interpretation werealso being explored. De Mortillet (1870-71) recognized the similaritybetween objects from graves from the Etruscan town of Marzabotto andthose from graves in the Marne area of northern France.(2)The concept of the 'culture group' was also beingformulated at this time, starting with Virchow's study of the'Slavic Burgwall' cultures of eastern Germany Eastern Germany refers to: German Democratic Republic or East Germany, communist state from 1949-1990 Former eastern territories of Germany, in Germany known as ehemalige (deutsche) Ostgebiete: (1870). Thoughthere was to be no formal definition of the archaeological'culture' until Kossinna in 1911 and Childe in 1925, the ideawas in general currency before this, as the writings of Reinecke (1911)and Dechelette (1910; 1914) reveal. Kossinna, in his search for a meansof defining the homeland and spread of the Germans, was one of the fewto give it an overtly ethnic interpretation, using methodology almostidentical to those who seek to define the origin and migrations of theCelts; Reinecke was more sceptical. Hildebrand, in his originaldiscussion of the Hallstatt and La Tene Iron Ages (1874), assigned noethnic interpretations; the correlation of La Tene with the Celts onlyreally begins with Joseph Dechelette.Dechelette's Manuel d'archeologie, perhaps one of the mostinfluential books on archaeology ever written, is largely a compendiumof data and finds drawn together from all over Europe. There is nodiscussion of theoretical issues, but Dechelette's approachcrystallizes many of the ideas such as culture which had slowly evolvedin the 19th century. For Iron Age studies, he brought together thevarious strands discussed above, and laid the basis for the many bookson the Celts which have appeared this century, though his contributionis rarely acknowledged or even recognized.In discussing the 'civilisation' of Hallstatt, Decheletterecognized its polyethnic character, encompassing Celts, Illyrians andothers. La Tene he divided into three - Celtic, Germanic and Insular -acknowledging the problems of making a precise division between thefirst two (1914: 921-8). Adopting the British idea of a Celtic art Celtic art(kĕl`tĭk, sĕl`–). The earliest clearly Celtic style in art was developed in S Germany and E France by tribal artisans of the mid- to late 5th cent. B.C. style, he is the first continental archaeologist to acknowledge itsindigenous central European origin; he identifies its birth area asChampagne-Marne, Mosel-central Rhine and Bohemia in his La Tene I,spreading into other areas in later La Tene I and II. This core area hetermed Celtic, following d'Arbois de Jubain-ville's views of ahomeland north of the Alps rather than in central and western France. Onthe basis of this, Dechelette considered it possible to identifyethnically diagnostic burial rites (1910: 13; 1914: 1014): the Ligurians(the pre-Celtic inhabitants of France according to d'Arbois deJubainville) practised crouched inhumation; the Celts had extendedinhumation; and the Germans and Belgae cremated their dead - thoughexceptions did occur. Thus he could define a Celtic area north of theAlps in Hallstatt I, extending as far south and west as the MassifCentral Massif Central(mäsēf` säNträl`)[Fr.,=central highlands], great mountainous plateau, c.33,000 sq mi (85,470 sq km), S central France, covering almost a sixth of the surface of the country. , with an expansion into Spain during Hallstatt II to account forthe presence of the Celts there by the 5th century BC.Dechelette was the first to use archaeological data to supplementhistorical and linguistic evidence in defining the Celts and theirorigin. This core area, defined by Hallstatt burial rites, becomes the5th-century 'Keltisches Kerngebiet' on Pauli's map of theCelts (1980b: 31), and the 'Original territory of the Celts and theLa Tene civilisation' on the Megaws' map (1989: 11).Dechelette also discussed the origin of La Tene art (from now on'Celtic art'); with his more refined chronology, he linked thespread of La Tene with d'Arbois de Jubainville's historicalmigrations of the Celts. However, he was heavily dependent on finds fromburials for his evidence: a glance at his map shows how biased this was,with virtually nothing from central and western France (Dechelette 1914:1060, Carte 3), a situation which has not materially changed since hewrote (Pion pion(pī`ŏn)or pi meson,lightest of the meson family of elementary particles. The existence of the pion was predicted in 1935 by Hideki Yukawa, who theorized that it was responsible for the force of the strong & Guichard 1993). The lack of material to support thealternative Thierry model meant that it stood no chance: the northernorigin of the Celts has now become an unquestioned fact. For myself, Iwould consider the Thierry-Pare model as more likely in the light of thesettlement archaeology which is now becoming available, e.g. the wealthof imports from Bourges, in the territory of the Bituriges Cubi to whomLivy gives such prominence (Collis forthcoming 3). Ultimate proof islacking. On this model the overlap between the 'birth area of LaTene art' and the historical 'Celts' is minimal; it onlyworks if one accepts the d'Arbois de Jubainville model.Publications subsequent to Dechelette have never, until recently,questioned the assumptions which lie behind this model - e.g. thesimplistic sim��plism?n.The tendency to oversimplify an issue or a problem by ignoring complexities or complications.[French simplisme, from simple, simple, from Old French; see simple ethnic interpretation of burial rites. We have seen asimplification of Dechelette's ideas, until the correlation betweenLa Tene and the spread of the 'Celts' is just taken forgranted Adj. 1. taken for granted - evident without proof or argument; "an axiomatic truth"; "we hold these truths to be self-evident"axiomatic, self-evidentobvious - easily perceived by the senses or grasped by the mind; "obvious errors" . The Megaws are indeed right when they say that the occurrenceof a La Tene sword in a grave does not make the owner Celtic -unfortunately they do not explain why we should consider the La Tenesword and its maker as 'Celtic' either (unless they believe,like Kossinna, that we can always make simplistic correlations betweenmaterial culture and ethnic groups).I must also digress di��gress?intr.v. di��gressed, di��gress��ing, di��gress��esTo turn aside, especially from the main subject in writing or speaking; stray. See Synonyms at swerve. to talk about nomenclature, for which the Megawstake me to task. My article 'Adieu Hallstatt! Adieu La Tene'(Collis 1986) explored how classification and chronological concepts canaffect our way of thinking (also see Collis 1993); how we conceivechronological successions - either as periods defined by type fossils(the German 'Stufen'); or as horizons; or as seriation -influences whether we see breaks or continuity. Similarly, if we believein concepts such as the Culture Group (which I do not), the'polythetic' definition of David Clarke David Clarke or Dave Clarke may refer to: Dave Clarke, techno DJ from England David Clarke (actor), motion picture and Broadway actor Dave Clarke (football), Scottish football manager David A. gives us a verydifferent view from the 'monothetic' definition of Kossinnaand Childe. In that 1986 article I explored cases where the terminologyhad affected how we interpret the archaeological data; in some regionssuch as southwestern France, it is still affecting interpretation. I dowish an instant alternative terminology could be immediately accepted onthe continent to replace Hallstatt and La Tene. The British experiencehas seen two changes in Iron Age nomenclature this century (Hallstatt/LaTene; A/B/C; Early/Middle/Late), each change associated with are-formulation of the questions asked, and - in the last case - acomplete shift of paradigm (Collis 1994). If we cannot change thenomenclature, we can at least be aware of how it directs our thinking.DiscussionI hope it is clear that the links between La Tene art/La Tene cultureand the ancient Celts are dubious in the extreme - even if we can definethe ancient Celts and their origin. One definition (Polybius-Herodotus)is problematic; the other (Caesar-Livy) is downright wrong. Thecorrelation with peoples who spoke what are nowadays referred to asCeltic languages is somewhat greater, but still perhaps at only the70-75% level (see e.g. the problems of Spain and Denmark); the label ofCeltic is unjustified here even if we take the modern definition of theCelts and impose that on the past. To go one step further, as the Megawsdo, and claim that the appearance of La Tene Art implies the adoption ofa Celtic ideology, and so to use the art style to define the Celts(Megaw & Megaw 1995: 238), is even less acceptable. It simplybecomes tautological tau��tol��o��gy?n. pl. tau��tol��o��gies1. a. Needless repetition of the same sense in different words; redundancy.b. An instance of such repetition.2. , as the definition becomes the explanation: theIrish had Celtic art because they were Celts. The Megaws'definition of La Tene art is problematic. It seems to exclude, forinstance, the simple geometric patterns which appear on 5th-centurybrooches and daggers found in Britain (yet the same motifs would beaccepted in Champagne as 'Celtic') simply because theirinclusion does not suit their ethnic interpretation.Some sort of cultural entities sharing features in common, of thekind to which Spriggs referred (1990, quoted in Megaw & Megaw 1996:177), may unite those communities who adopted La Tene Art; labelling it'Celtic' is plain wrong. And other entities - such as burialrites, ceramic styles, language groups - cross-cut the art styles. Weneed to explore the nature of these, and what they may mean, withoutpreconceptions.So the correlation between art, language and ancient ethnic groups isnot simple. A methodology of unqualified equation is dangerous - thesame as that which underlay the Nazi propaganda Nazi Germany was noted for its psychologically powerful propaganda, much of which was centered around Jews, who were consistently alleged to be the source of Germany's economic problems. claims for territorialexpansion. False then, it is false now, laying archaeology open tomisuse in land claims or rights over territory - as it has recentlyshown itself in the Balkans, Australia, North America North America,third largest continent (1990 est. pop. 365,000,000), c.9,400,000 sq mi (24,346,000 sq km), the northern of the two continents of the Western Hemisphere. , the Caucasus, theNear East or Norway.In summary, the correlation the Megaws make between La Tene art andthe Celts can be queried on a number of grounds:1 The definition of the ancient Celts is ambiguous in the ancientliterature, nor is their origin and distribution clear.2 The inhabitants of Britain were only considered to be Celtic fromthe 16th century; it has no basis in the classical sources.3 The term 'Celtic' to describe the language group isarbitrary - other terms like 'Gallic' were used by earlyauthors.4 The modern definition of a Celt as someone who speaks a Celticlanguage cannot be applied to the ancient world.5 The idea of a Celtic origin in northern France-southern Germany isbased on a specific reading of the ancient texts which may not becorrect.6 The bias of deposition has given a false picture of the origin ofthe La Tene 'culture' and of La Tene art.7 The distribution of La Tene art correlates only in part with thedistribution of the ancient Celts and the distribution of Celticlanguages.8 The identification of archaeological cultures with ancient ethnicgroups is a false methodology, and its application has majorimplications for the political misuse of archaeological evidence.I hope these notes clarify discussion. There are gaps in my argumentwhich need to be filled, nuances to be explored, but I hope the outlineof the argument is clear.1 A minor example of their inability to get facts right is the caseof my supposed Irish grandmother. In fact all my grandparents wereEnglish, and my Irish connections are clearly stated in one of thearticles they cite, and so in theory have read (Collis 1995: 177).2 Contrary to what is often stated, he did not suggest that thereforethe Marne was the origin of the Celts; he merely states that this wasthe territory of the Senones, one of the tribes who are also found inItaly.ReferencesAIKMAN, J. 1827. The History of Scotland, translated from the Latinof George. Buchanan, with Notes and a Continuation to the Union in theReign of Queen Anne Queen Anne?n.The style in English architecture and furniture typical of the reign of Queen Anne (1702-1714).Queen AnneAdjective1. . Glasgow: Blackie black��ie?n. OffensiveVariant of blacky. , Fullerton.ALLEN, J. ROMILLY. 1904. 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