Thursday, September 29, 2011

8. Forestry and fishery conflict in Danau sentarum: application of an impairment approach.

8. Forestry and fishery conflict in Danau sentarum: application of an impairment approach. Rigorous conflict analysis is needed to develop sound conflictmanagement strategies. The recently proposed "impairmentapproach" is based on conceptual considerations, but empiricalapplication in natural resources management has been lacking. Theapproach defines conflict as a situation in which one actor feels"impaired" by the action of another. We explore theapplicability of this approach in analyzing inter- and intraethnicconflicts in a wetland conservation area of Danau Sentarum NationalPark, Indonesia. The park is home to two ethnic groups, Iban and Malay,which depend on forest and fish resources, respectively. Interethnicconflicts reflect local residence patterns and include the Ibancommunities' use offish off��ish?adj.Inclined to be distant and reserved; aloof.offish��ly adv.off "poisons," perceived by the Malaycommunities as impairment because poisons kill their caged fish and allother fish along the watercourse. In contrast to Malay customary law,the use of poisons is allowed by Iban customary law. Intra-ethnicconflict, between hamlets within a particular group, commonly relates tologging and timber sales and is often triggered by unclear forestboundaries between Iban hamlets and unclear boundaries of fishing zonesin Malay areas. This study demonstrates how the use of an impairmentapproach helps identify the sources of conflict over natural resources. The unprecedented destruction of tropical forests is receivingworldwide attention (Myers 1985; Laurence 1999; Pimm et al. 2001).Indonesia has responded to its high rate of deforestation deforestationProcess of clearing forests. Rates of deforestation are particularly high in the tropics, where the poor quality of the soil has led to the practice of routine clear-cutting to make new soil available for agricultural use. by takingimportant measures to conserve its remaining tropical forests. TheGovernment of Indonesia enacted the Biodiversity Conservation Law in1990 and ratified the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity The Convention on Biological Diversity, known informally as the Rio Treaty, is an international treaty that was adopted at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. in 1995. By the end of 2005, the government had established 50 nationalparks with a total area of approximately 15 million ha (Ministry ofForestry 2006). Managers of the parks, however, are confronted withconflicts involving different stakeholder groups (Daniels and Walker2001; Moeliono and Fisher 2003). The Indonesian experience reflects thecommon problems of park management, such as uncertain tenure, unclearboundaries, conflicts among stakeholders, difficulties with lawenforcement and unjust laws (Jamal and Eyre 2003; Castro and Nielson2003). Rigorous methods of conflict analysis can contribute to providinga sound basis for addressing these problems (FAO FAO,n See Food and Agriculture Organization. 2000; Adams et al.2003). Numerous methods and models for conflict analysis exist.Classically, conflict is defined as differences in such things asperceptions, goals or interests (Coser 1956; Fisher and Ury 1981; Pruittand Rubin 1986; Bartos and Wehr 2002). According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. this definition,differences need to be reduced or eliminated to address conflict.However, scholars also argue that the classic model fails to distinguishbetween conflict and its antecedent ANTECEDENT. Something that goes before. In the construction of laws, agreements, and the like, reference is always to be made to the last antecedent; ad proximun antecedens fiat relatio. conditions (e.g., Fink 1968; Dadrian1971). Additionally, this broad definition fails to distinguish conflictfrom non-conflict situations that also involve differences, which areinevitable and inherent in every social interaction and do notnecessarily represent conflict. Alternative models for conflict analysisin natural resources management have also been proposed (e.g., Pinz6nand Midgley 2000; Hjorsto et al. 2005), although most do not explicitlydistinguish conflict from non-conflict situations. More recently, an impairment approach (Glasl 1997, 1999; Marfo2006; Yasmi 2007) defines conflict as a situation in which one actorfeels impaired by the behavior of another actor because of differentperceptions, emotions and interests. Conflict consists of threedistinctive features. First, conflict is always attributed to two-actor,opponent-proponent settings: Actor A acts to impair Actor B, and eachactor may be one or more individuals or organizations (Marfo 2006).Second, the experience of an actor's behavior as impairment becomesa central part of the definition of conflict. Unless impairment is felt,there is no conflict. Third, factors or conditions that induce suchbehavior, like the presence of differences, should not be confused withthe actual conflict situation; they are the sources of impairment--alsooften referred to as sources of conflict--that trigger or induceimpairing behavior. Yasmi (2007) inductively derives impairments based on an extensivereview of the literature, which argues that impairment plays a pivotalrole in conflict over natural resources and that the sources ofimpairment dictate how a particular impairment manifests itself. Thepresent study explores to what extent the impairment model can be usedempirically and, based on that, seeks to generate lessons that may beapplicable to wider contexts. We focus on two types of resource conflict(forestry and fisheries) that involve the two main ethnic groups (Ibanand Malay) in Danau Sentarum National Park (DSNP DSNP Digital Signal Noise ProcessingDSNP Danau Sentarum National Park (Borneo)DSNP Digital Synchronization Network Plan ). We investigateconflicts that occur between the two groups as well as internalconflicts within a particular group. Methodology The identification of impairments and their sources is primarilybased on the perceptions of stakeholders who are directly and indirectlyinvolved in conflict (Bernard 2002). Our main strategy to obtain suchperspectives is through a case study (Yin 1994). We use an exploratorycase study method to go beyond mere description of a case; we require ahermeneutic her��me��neu��tic? also her��me��neu��ti��caladj.Interpretive; explanatory.[Greek herm process (continued interpretation and reinterpretation re��in��ter��pret?tr.v. re��in��ter��pret��ed, re��in��ter��pret��ing, re��in��ter��pretsTo interpret again or anew.re ofsocial phenomena) (Kyburz-Graber 2004). Our case study site is DSNP. Itcomprises various types of forest and aquatic ecosystems (Giesen andAglionby 2000) and has several large seasonal lakes connected by a dense network of rivers and channels,surrounded by swamps and low hills. Rich in biodiversity, it facestremendous threats to its ecological integrity from illegal logging Illegal logging is the harvest, transportation, purchase or sale of timber in violation of national laws. The harvesting procedure itself may be illegal, including using corrupt means to gain access to forests; extraction without permission or from a protected area; the cutting of ,palm oil plantation development and unsustainable fishing practices(e.g., Heri et al., this volume). Its multiple resources are continuallycontested by stakeholders, and the persistence of various conflictsoffers an opportunity for in-depth exploration and learning. Yasmi conducted semi-structured interviews to elicitstakeholders' perspectives (Gubrium and Holstein 2001; Holstein andGubrium 2003), including in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 31 keyinformants, consisting of six Iban, 11 Malays and 14 outsiders(researchers, park rangers, and NGO NGOabbr.nongovernmental organizationNoun 1. NGO - an organization that is not part of the local or state or federal governmentnongovernmental organization and district forest servicepersonnel of varying ethnicity). The number of informants represents thesaturation point saturation pointn.1. Chemistry The point at which a substance will receive no more of another substance in solution.2. The point at which no more can be absorbed or assimilated. of the data, the point at which interviewing moreinformants would not provide additional substantive information (Guestet al. 2006) and is also proportional to the size of each stakeholdergroup. (2) In addition to interviews, we carried out two focus groupdiscussions, one in an Iban and another in a Malay settlement. We alsoconvened a multi-stakeholder workshop attended by representatives of allstakeholder groups. We double-checked our findings with experts withlong-term experience working in the area. Finally, we analyzed our dataprimarily through qualitative content analysis of the interview textsfollowing iterative steps (e.g., data reduction, categorization,adjustment of categories) described by Mayring (2000). Conflict in Sociopolitical so��ci��o��po��li��ti��cal?adj.Involving both social and political factors.sociopoliticalAdjectiveof or involving political and social factors Context Site and Stakeholders DSNP covers an area of 132,000 ha in the floodplain floodplain,level land along the course of a river formed by the deposition of sediment during periodic floods. Floodplains contain such features as levees, backswamps, delta plains, and oxbow lakes. of the UpperKapuas River The Kapuas River (Indonesian: Sungai Kapuas) is located in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. At approximately 1,143 km, it is the longest river in Indonesia, and is the major river of the western portion of Borneo. It is also the world's longest river on an island. basin, Indonesian Borneo, near the border with Malaysia(Figure 1). It consists of a series of interconnected lakes (danau)interspersed with swamp forest, peat swamp forest Peat swamp forests are tropical moist forests where waterlogged soils prevent dead leaves and wood from fully decomposing, which over time creates thick layer of acidic peat. Large areas of these forests are being logged at high rates. , and dry lowlandforest on isolated hills in the northern and eastern part of the parkarea (Colfer and Wadley 1999; Dennis et al. 2000a; Anshari et al. 2001).Ninety-five percent of the area is inundated during the flood season(October-April), creating a network of rivers and lakes. During the dryseason (May-September) there is an average 12 m drop in water level(Adger and Luttrell 2000). A Ramsar site (a Wetland of InternationalImportance), the park is home to 500 tree species, 250 fish species, 250bird species, and three crocodile species, as well as orangutans andproboscis probosciselongated, flexible feeding apparatus, formed of the fused mouthparts, in some insects. monkeys (Giesen and Aglionby 2000; Dennis et al. 2000a). Local communities depend on fish, timber and nontimber forestproducts Nontimber forest products (NTFP) generally refer to all forest vegetation other than industrial timber products such as lumber. DefinitionsSome definitions also include small animals and insects. , including rattan rattan(rătăn`), name for a number of plants of the genera Calamus, Daemonorops, and Korthalsia climbing palms of tropical Asia, belonging to the family Palmae (palm family). , honey and medicinal plants medicinal plants,plants used as natural medicines. This practice has existed since prehistoric times. There are three ways in which plants have been found useful in medicine. (Harwell 1997).The two major ethnic groups found in DSNP, Iban and Malay, havedifferent livelihood strategies (Colfer et al. 2000). The Iban, who areChristian, are primarily shifting cultivators and hunters. They live intraditional longhouses and occupy the more upland, drier areassurrounding the lakes (Wadley 1997). Although they fish routinely forsubsistence along the rivers and around the lakes, fishing is not theirprimary source of livelihood. The Malay, who are Muslim, are fishers.They reside downstream, around the lakes and along the large rivers, anddepend almost exclusively on commercial fishing for their livelihoods(Dudley 2000). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The population in DSNP grew by almost 40 percent between 1985 and1995 because of a large influx from surrounding areas who came forfishing (Aglionby 1995). These newcomers were, by and large, tied bykinship to the earlier residents and simply increased the populationrather than forming additional stakeholder groups. There were 39permanent and 10 seasonal hamlets recorded within the park in the late1990s (Giesen and Aglionby 2000). (3) In addition, 14 other hamletslocated outside the park had utilization zones (e.g., fallows, customaryforests) that overlapped with the park boundaries. Of the totalsettlements, there were only 12 Iban hamlets, 10 of which were outsidethe park. Erman and Heri (2005) reported that the population of DSNP wasabout 8,000, of whom 80 percent were Malay "fisherfolk." Withthe growing population, increased pressure on aquatic and forestresources, and new involvement of powerful external actors (especiallythe timber and oil palm industries), conflict among community groups hasbecome more frequent. Forestry Conflicts Local forestry conflicts can be best understood by looking at thehistorical division and utilization of forest resources. The division isprimarily based on the location of the hamlet. Every hamlet has its ownwilayah kerja (utilization zone) (Dennis & Erman 1999). The zone ofa particular hamlet is usually distinguished by natural features, suchas rivers or hills. (4) The use of resources in any particular zone isregulated by hukum adat (customary law), which stipulates, for instance,how many of which kinds of trees can be harvested, which locations areoff-limits to harvesting and for what purposes the trees can be used(Anshari et al. 2005). In Malay settlements, timber is usually used forhouse and canoe construction, walkways, simple furniture, floatinggardens and fish cages. In Iban settlements, there tends to be somewhatless use of timber for floating gardens, fish cages and walkways; otheruses remain similar. Giesen and Aglionby (2000) stated that until the 1980s, extractionof products from forests was quite sustainable. This observation wasreinforced by Dennis et al. (1998), who used time-series remote sensing Deriving digital models of an area on the earth. Using special cameras from airplanes or satellites, either the sun's reflections or the earth's temperature is turned into digital maps of the area. data (1973, 1990 and 1994) to conclude that local forest managementappeared to have minimal impact on forest cover. However, in late 1999,Wadley et al. (2000) found signs of illegal logging activity. Thisfinding was confirmed by Anshari et al. (2005), who reported that afterthe demise of the Suharto regime in 1998, illegal logging activitiesincreased. A common explanation for this phenomenon has been thepolitical instability in the country following the end of Suharto'sauthoritarian regime. During the transition period of weak state control(1998-2004), many communities took advantage of the situation to makesome quick cash, often encouraged by wealthy entrepreneurs from acrossthe border. This period was the peak of illegal logging, and preliminaryanalysis of time-series satellite imagery Satellite imagery consists of photographs of Earth or other planets made from artificial satellites. HistoryThe first satellite photographs of Earth were made August 14, 1959 by the US satellite Explorer 6. corroborates these findings(Dennis, pers. commnnication). Illegal logging in DSNP seemed to follow a common pattern. Usually,a hamlet made an agreement with a timber company to log within itsutilization zone. In almost all cases, Malaysian timber companies werethe major players. These companies used local entrepreneurs as"brokers" to persuade communities to enter into logging deals.The communities received fees from the companies (from $2 to $5 percubic meter Noun 1. cubic meter - a metric unit of volume or capacity equal to 1000 literscubic metre, kiloliter, kilolitremetric capacity unit - a capacity unit defined in metric terms ) and local infrastructure development assistance (e.g.,renovation of longhouses or mosques). During the expansion of illegallogging, conflict increased, particularly between hamlets over unclearboundaries of utilization zones. Fishery Conflicts Fishing zones are defined by natural features, such as rivers andlakes. The divisions between the Malay and Iban zones are morepronounced than the divisions among the Malay hamlets. The Iban fishingzones normally exist in the upstream areas, which include rivers andsome lakes. The Malays, who live mostly downstream along major riversand lakes, divide fishing zones among themselves. Sometimes two hamletsshare the same river or lake, in which case the boundaries may be rathervague. Fishers in DSNP use lift nets, funnel nets, cast nets, gill nets,traps, hooks-and-lines, and other practices (Dudley 2000). The intensityof fishing activities is highly influenced by the water level, reachingits peak during the dry season. Each hamlet has its own adat (customaryregulations) that control fishing activities, such as regulation ongears (allowed or prohibited, allocated by lottery, seasonal), locationsfor fishing, and sanctions and fines. The ketua nelayan (head of thefishers) in each hamlet ensures compliance with the area'spractices. Conflict often emerges when someone breaches the adat by, forinstance, using prohibited gear or entering another fishing zone withoutpermission. Actors, Impairments, and Interethnic Conflicts Interethnic conflicts in Danau Sentarum have predominantly beenbetween the Iban and the Malays in recent decades. Following theimpairment approach, we distinguish between Actor A, who impairs anotheractor, and Actor B, who feels impaired. We specify A's actions thatare experienced by B as impairment. We seek B's perspectives on whysuch actions are felt as impairment. Furthermore, we seek explanation onthe factors or conditions that induce A's actions (sources ofimpairment). Table 1 summarizes the most significant interethnicconflicts in DSNP. The use of chemical poisons by the Iban was the major concern amongMalays. They perceived this practice to be very destructive because itkilled all fish along the watercourse, including caged fish indownstream settlements. A respondent reported three times (1990, 1994and 1997) during the past two decades when poisoning caused majorproblems; another, more recent incident was mentioned by Malayrespondents during interviews and focus group sessions. Poisoning indeedhas a long history in Iban tradition, though the traditional poison,tuba, is far less harmful than the commercial poisons frequently usedtoday. Whereas the Malays considered poisoning very dangerous, the Ibancommonly saw it as an acceptable method rooted in their tradition andcustomary laws. An Iban respondent argued, "The use of poison isnot dangerous at all for fish stocks because we only use it during acertain period of the year and not on a continuous basis. Poisoning isour tradition that we inherited from our ancestors Our Ancestors (Italian: I Nostri Antenati) is the name of Italo Calvino's "heraldic trilogy" that comprises The Cloven Viscount (1952), The Baron in the Trees (1957), and The Nonexistent Knight (1959). ." A second interethnic conflict relates to fishing by some Malay,particularly those who live in the upper river basin close to Ibansettlements. An Iban respondent said, "We often encounter the Malayfishing in our area without prior permission from our customary leader.They do not respect our territory and also they endanger our fishstocks. We often confiscate To expropriate private property for public use without compensating the owner under the authority of the Police Power of the government. To seize property.When property is confiscated it is transferred from private to public use, usually for reasons such as their fishing equipment and enforce finesaccording to our customary laws." Fishing by Malays in Ibanutilization zones was perceived as impairment by the Iban. The Malayssaid they had to fish far from their own hamlets because of thedifficulty of catching fish and the decreasing amount offish in recenttimes. This condition had led them to fish farther and very often toenter the Iban utilization zones. Figure 2 summarizes the perceptions of each stakeholder group,including the perception of outsider groups, and reveals the very largediscrepancy in perceptions between the Iban and the Malays. For example,all Malay respondents said that using poisons jeopardized the fishstocks, and 64 percent believed that it destroyed their caged fish(Figure 2a). The Iban respondents did not share this view. Theperceptions of outsiders were similar to those of the Malays: 71 percentconsidered poisoning dangerous for fish stocks and 57 percent said thatit damaged the Malays' caged fish. Furthermore, the perceptions of stakeholders on the second conflictcase, where Malays entered Iban territories, also varied considerably(Figure 2b). For instance, 83 percent of the Iban perceived such entryas a disrespectful dis��re��spect��ful?adj.Having or exhibiting a lack of respect; rude and discourteous.disre��spect act and 50 percent as a threat to the fish stocks intheir territories. However, some Malay respondents considered itacceptable: they said they had to fish there because of the lack offishin Malay territories. Some Malay respondents acknowledged that theirfishing in Iban territories was indeed a disrespectful act (27 percent)and could jeopardize fish stocks (18 percent). However, they felt thatthey had no other choice and therefore they continued to fish there.Outsiders perceived this conflict as mainly the result of disrespectfulacts by the Malays, who were jeopardizing the Iban fish stocks. Actors, Impairments, and Intra-Ethnic Conflicts Table 2 summarizes four types of intra-ethnic conflict. In theMalay settlements, certain types of fishing gear, particularly jermal(small mesh funnel nets), pukat (gillnets) and rabai (multiplehooks),were considered harmful considered harmful - Edsger W. Dijkstra's note in the March 1968 "Communications of the ACM", "Goto Statement Considered Harmful", fired the first salvo in the structured programming wars. for fish stocks because they caught fishof all sizes (including small species and juveniles) and were forbidden.A few hamlets, however, did not have such customary laws. Conflict oftenemerged when two hamlets shared the same river or lake but had differentlaws. Another intra-ethnic conflict in the Malay area was fishing inanother hamlet's utilization zone without permission. This type ofincident was frequently reported, as illustrated by a respondent inLeabo: (5) "People from Laje often come to our area withoutpermission. They fish here as if this lake and river belongs to them. Weoften warn them not to come again but they just ignore us. In the past,we had to confiscate their fishing gear and canoes. We even burnedthem." The fishing practices of Laje people were perceived asimpairment because they did not respect Leabo's fishing zone. Moreimportantly, the Leabo people were concerned about their fish stocks ifLaje people continued to fish there. The incidents derived primarilyfrom unclear fishing boundaries. Another stated reason was the low fishcatches, which led many people to fish outside their utilization zone.Numerous respondents complained that fish stocks had decreaseddramatically. This scarcity issue was also discussed during amulti-stakeholder workshop, and many attributed it to the increasedhuman population, overfishing and use of destructive fishing gears.Evidently, because of the scarcity perceived by many fishers and theincreasing number of households (see Indriatomoko, this volume), theissue of fishing zone boundaries has become more important and often thesource of prolonged disputes. The third type of conflict relates to forestry. In 2003, two Malayhamlets, Pangemo and Gantuno, became embroiled in an intense conflict.Gantuno, which was committed to conserving its forest, observed that thetimber company working with Pangemo had cut trees in the Gantuno forestarea. Pangemo said that the company only operated within its ownutilization zone. The two hamlets established a joint team ofrepresentatives to survey the area under dispute. After weeks of debate,the boundaries were finally clarified; the result being that the timbercompany was found to have logged in Gantuno's forest. A fine of 20million Rupiah ru��pi��ah?n. pl. rupiahSee Table at currency.[Hindi rupay, rupiy (approximately US$2,000 (6)) was subsequently imposed onPangemo. A community leader from Gantuno explained why logging was perceivedto be an impairment to the conservation initiative that he promoted: We in Gantuno are committed to not selling our forest to any company. We do not want to follow others who auction their forests. We will conserve it for our future generations, children and grandchildren. It is our last resort and we do not want to destroy it. If we log our forest today, in the future we will have difficulties in finding timber for housing, canoes, fish cages and furniture. We felt threatened when the company working with Pangemo entered our forest without permission and cut our trees. We could not accept that and we decided to stop them by force. Respondents stated that unclear forest zone boundaries were themain source of this conflict. Figure 3 illustrates how stakeholders perceived the three cases ofintra-ethnic conflicts in the Malay settlement described above. Forexample, the perception of fishing gear differed significantly (Figure3a). The opponents (the impaired actors) of such gear considered it a"threat" (100 percent); proponents obviously did not sharethis view. Outsiders (researchers, park rangers, and NGO and districtforest service personnel) also considered the use of such gearunacceptable on the grounds that it jeopardized fish stocks. For thesecond intra-ethnic conflict case (Figure 3b), the opponents perceivedfishing in another's zone as impairment because it wasdisrespectful (80 percent) and it jeopardized fish stocks (60 percent).Most outsiders also perceived this practice as unacceptable. Finally, inthe case of forestry conflicts (Figure 3c), all opponents perceivedlogging as a threat to conservation. Similar to the perceptions ofopponents, most outsiders perceived logging as a threat to conservation. The fourth case of intraethnic conflict was between two neighboringIban hamlets, Peleju and Malele, which had entered into agreements withvarious timber companies. The problem emerged when Malele accused Pelejuof felling trees in its utilization zone; Peleju denied the charge oftrespass. Meanwhile, community members from Malele confiscated alllogging equipment and requested Peleju to cease activity immediately.Several attempts to resolve the conflict failed, and logging was haltedfor several months. The forest boundaries could not be resolved evenafter months of negotiation. Our interviews revealed that the people ofPeleju thought Malele residents were jealous because they had notreceived assistance from the company to renovate their longhouse longhouseTraditional communal dwelling of the Iroquois Indians until the 19th century. The longhouse was a rectangular box built out of poles, with doors at each end and saplings stretched over the top to form the roof, the whole structure being covered with bark. . Malelesaid that Peleju had breached the boundaries and that compensation mustbe paid for all trees taken from its forest. For both sides, claimingforest area and maintaining their claims were important to securingfuture access to the forest resources. A respondent in Malele said, The logging company that got the permit from Peleju entered our forest without permission. We fear that they will continue to log our forest if we do not stop them immediately. The result will be devastating as we will lose our forest for nothing and our future generations will also lose their access to the forest. For this reason, we will have to stop them. The concerns about logging were based on Malele residents'belief that their utilization zone was not respected. Their inability tostop the logging would strengthen Peluju's claim to the area, giventhe significance of land clearing in claims to land, in Iban tradition.Similar conflicts have occurred in many other hamlets throughout DSNP.One of the respondents explained In the past these two hamlets never fought each other. We originated from one family. Now, because the possibility to cut trees from the forests is open, we start to dispute the boundaries. Every hamlet wants to claim a bigger area to get more money from selling the trees. In the past we never thought seriously about boundaries because it was difficult to log the forests and people were afraid of being caught by the military. Discussion This study shows that the impairment model, previously applied innatural resources management only theoretically (see Yasmi 2007; Marfo2006), can be used for analyzing conflict cases and identifyingimpairments, sources of impairment and actors in a field study. We candraw several lessons from our work. First, the impairment model seems toallow us to identify conflict explicitly. For example, in theinterethnic conflicts between the Malays and Iban, we could identify thespecific actions that were considered impairments (e.g., using poisonthat destroys fish stock) and led to conflict. The impairment approachbases the analysis on an actual behavioral situation, whereasconventional approaches pay more attention to underlying differences.The interethnic conflict can be partially explained by the differencesin customary law between the Iban and the Malays (see Coser 1956; Fisherand Ury 1981; Pruitt & Rubin 1986; Bartos and Wehr 2002), but suchdifferences are normal and do not lead to conflict unless they result inimpairing actions. The impairment model helps clarify when a particularconflict actually emerges--that is, only after the impairment is felt.Thus the impairment model--while not necessarily replacing conventionalapproaches--adds value to our analysis by making the distinction betweenconflict and nonconflict situations more explicit. It should not beconsidered superior to other approaches but rather complementary to therecent rapid stakeholder and conflict assessment and system modelapproaches introduced by Hjorsto et al. (2005) and Pinzon and Midgley(2000), respectively. Second, this study shows that differences per se are not conflictbut, rather, a reflection of the underlying sources of conflict or theantecedent conditions, as described by Fink (1968) and Dadrian (1971).Differences trigger certain actions, and only after such actions areexperienced as impairment does conflict emerge. From this study, itbecomes clear that natural resource conflicts are triggered whendifferences like customary laws and interpretation of boundaries clash.The dimensions of conflict are broad and not limited to interests per se(Daniels and Walker 2001). Given the complex institutional arrangementsand the diversity of values (both material and cultural) attached tonatural resources management, the sources of impairment and the range ofunderlying sources and actors associated with conflict are diverse. Thisstudy and others (Daniels and Walker 2001; Marfo 2006) show that aparticular actor can engage in conflict with various other actors at thesame time, as when ethnic groups clash over resources at the same timeas hamlets within each group come into conflict. Hence, our finding isconsistent with the majority of other studies that natural resourceconflict usually involves multiple actors (Doornbos et al. 2000; Adamset al. 2003; Jamal and Eyre 2003). Finally, while there is no panacea, what is needed to resolveconflicts is elimination of the impairments, which means payingattention Noun 1. paying attention - paying particular notice (as to children or helpless people); "his attentiveness to her wishes"; "he spends without heed to the consequences"attentiveness, heed, regard to the underlying sources and conditions that triggerimpairing behavior. In the case of DSNP, this may mean, for example,political efforts to ensure that customary laws and boundaryinterpretations are complementary and support each other. To achievethis objective, stakeholders must be willing to work in partnership,engage in mutually agreeable joint processes and jointly define theirroles and responsibilities. Government officials, park managers or localNGOs could play facilitative roles to reconcile conflicts, andtraditional leaders may represent particular hamlets' views innegotiations to reconcile many conflicting rules and regulations. Apartfrom policy-level actions, there are implications for practical resourcemanagement as well. The biggest question that needs critical reflectionis how can we enable or stimulate stakeholders to use their capacitiesto cope with impairment and its sources creatively and effectively.Given the various impairments and their sources, to what extent canstakeholders maximize internal resources to cope better with conflict?And finally, when and how should they seek outside help from mediatorsor facilitators? Perhaps the co-management arrangement currently beingproposed can be productive in DSNP (see Yuliani et al. 2008), andlessons can be drawn from other co-management experiences in Indonesia(e.g., Kusumanto et al. 2005; Tomich and Lewis 2001; Yasmi 2003; Yulianiet al. 2008) and elsewhere (Diaw et al. 2009, Fisher et al. 2007;Hartanto et al. 2003; McDougall et al. 2008). More research is clearlyneeded. Conclusions The "impairment model" seems to offer significantpotential for analyzing natural resource conflicts from both theoreticaland empirical points of view. This study indicates that conflict can bedistinctly identified based on the empirical assessment of impairments,rather than differences. Instead of analyzing conflict in terms ofdifferences in interests, perceptions or goals, the impairment modelhelps to distinguish conflict clearly from its antecedent conditionsthrough three empirically distinct features: actors, impairments andsources of impairment. As shown throughout the paper, resource useconflicts involve different constellations of actors and may revolvearound Verb 1. revolve around - center upon; "Her entire attention centered on her children"; "Our day revolved around our work"center, center on, concentrate on, focus on, revolve about a number of impairments, such as using poison in fishing, loggingin A colloquial term for the process of making the initial record of the names of individuals who have been brought to the police station upon their arrest.The process of logging in is also called booking. another's zone, and using destructive fishing gear. The commonsources of such impairments in DSNP are conflicting customary laws,resource scarcity, and unclear territorial boundaries (with theinsertion of powerful outside actors being an additional catalyst insome cases). Cultural and religious differences and historicalanimosities add another layer of meaning to the impairments that emerge.The impairment model adds value to existing conflict models by providingclearer distinctions between conflict and nonconflict situations.However, more application of the impairment model in natural resourcesmanagement contexts is needed to explore its full potential. The presence of conflict over resource use with different kinds ofimpairments, actors and sources suggests the need to develop mechanismsfor effective conflict management that can respond to such dynamics.Conflict among different groups over unsustainable resource extractionis one of the critical challenges in managing national parks forbiodiversity conservation. One implication that can be drawn is thatestablishing a national park should take into account the needs andaspirations of local communities. Any initiative for biodiversityconservation is likely to fail if local people's needs are notadequately addressed. In this context, the impairment approach offers anadvantage: it allows us to anticipate conflict. If one knows what peopleconsider impairment and the sources of such impairment, we should thenbe better able to address natural resource conflict in a timely manner,before it escalates. Acknowledgments This study was carried out when the first author was working forWageningen University It is based in the Dutch city of Wageningen. Wageningen UniversityWageningen University was established in 1918 and was the successor of the Agricultural School founded in 1876. and CIFOR CIFOR Center for International Forestry Research (Indonesia)at the time, and now works for RECOFTC RECOFTC Regional Community Forestry Training Center (Asia & the Pacific)in Bangkok, Thailand; the second author works for CIFOR, in Bogor,Indonesia. Financial and logistical support was provided by bothorganizations for which we are very thankful. We are indebted to HeinerSchanz, Bas Arts, Doris Capistrano, Linda Yuliani, Rahayu Koesnadi andYayan Indriatmoko. Jefri of Park Management of TNDS TNDS Total Network Data System (Sprint)(BKSDA BKSDA Balai Konservasi Sumber Daya Alam (Nature Conservation Agency; Indonesia)), ValentinusHeri of the NGO, Riak Bumi, and Gusti Anshari and Zuikifli of anotherNGO, Konservasi Borneo, helped in many ways. We also thank the twoanonymous reviewers for their constructive critiques. Finally, thisstudy would not have been possible without the help of many communitiesin Danau Sentarum National Park; what we present here draws heavily ontheir knowledge. References Adams, W.M., D. Brockington, J. Dyson and B. Vira 2003 ManagingTragedies: Understanding Conflict over Common Pool Resources. Science302:1915-1916. Adger, W.N. and C. Luttrell 2000 Property Rights and theUtilization of Wetlands. 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Paper presented at InternationalAssociation for the Study of the Commons conference, Cheltenham, UK,14-18 July. Yurdi Yasmi RECOFTC--The Center for People and Forests Bangkok, Thailand Carol J. Pierce Colfer Center for International Forestry Research The Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) an international research institution committed to conserving forests and improving the livelihoods of people in the tropics by helping farmers and communities gain from forest resources. It is based in Bogor, Indonesia. JL. CIFOR, Sindang Barang Bogor, West Java, Indonesia c.colfer@cgiar.org (1) More material on conflict in this area, with more thoroughmethodological discussion is available in Yasmi et al. (2007). (2) In line with anthropological disclosure of sources of possiblebias, Yasmi is a Muslim of Minangkabau ethnicity (from Sumatra) and wasassociated both with CIFOR and Riak Bumi (an NGO created and run mainlyby people for this area). Part of Colfer's contribution (as anAmerican foreigner of culturally Christian background) has been herlonger-term experience with and understanding of DSNP lifeways.Unfortunately, given the cultural context and sociopolitical structureof the community in the study area, it proved difficult for Yasmi tointerview female informants. Hence, the results may not adequatelyaddress women's perspectives. (3) In Danau Sentarum a hamlet is typically a group of householdscomposed of people from the same ethnic group who share the samegeographical area. (4) Although each hamlet has a utilization zone, people from otherhamlets normally may collect timber and NTFPs if they have permissionfrom the customary leader. (5) All hamlet names used to illustrate conflict cases arepseudonyms. (6) Based on the exchange rate in June 2009.Table 1. Infra-ethnic conflicts in DSNPConflict Actor A Impairing Actor Explanation of why Bcase behavior of B perceives A's behavior Actor A as impairment1 Than Using poison Malay Destroying/causing death in fishing to caged fish, jeo ardizin, fish stocks2 Malay Fishing in Than Disrespectful to one's Than territory utilization zone, ieonardizina fish stocksConflict Source ofcase impairment1 Differences in customary laws2 Decreasing fish resourcesTable 2. Intra-ethnic conflicts in DSNPConflict Actor A Impairing Actorcase behavior of B Actor A1 Malay Using Malay "destructive" fishinFN gear2 Malay Fishing in Malay another's zone3 Malay Logging in Malay another's zone4 Than Logging in Iban another's zoneConflict Explanation of why B Source ofcase perceives A's behavior impairment as impairment1 Jeopardizing fish stocks Differences in customary laws2 Disrespectful of one's Unclear utilization zone, boundaries of jeopardizing fish stocks fishing zones, decreasing fish stocks (scarcity)3 Threat to conservation Unclear initiative boundaries of forest zones4 Disrespectful to one's Unclear utilization zone, threat to boundaries of future access forest zonesFigure 2. Perceptions of actors on interethnic conflicts betweenMalays and Iban(a) Using poison in rising destroying jeopardizing caged fish fish stocksIbans 0 0Malays 64 100Outsiders 57 71(b) Fishing in Iban's territory jeopardizing disrespectful fish stocksIbans 50 83Malays 18 27Outsiders 43 79Note: Table made from bar graph.Figure 3. Perceptions of actors on intra-ethnic conflict among Malays(a) Using "destructive" gear jeopardizing fish stocksMalays-proponents 0Malays-opponents 100Outsiders 100(b) Fishing in other's zone disrespectful jeopardizing fish stocksMalays-proponents 0 0Malays-opponents 80 60Outsiders 43 57(c) Logging in other's zone threat to conservationMalays-proponents 0Malays-opponents 100Outsiders 86Note: Table made from bar graph.

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