Death and the Sacrifice of Signs: 'Measuring' the Dead in Tana Toraja.

Death and the Sacrifice of Signs: 'Measuring' the Dead in Tana Toraja. ABSTRACT Suggesting the existence of an intrinsic connection betweensacrifice and embodiment, this article considers the meaning andsymbolism of traditional mortuary rituals among the Sa'dan Torajaof Indonesia. Manifesting different ways of being, these ritualsengender en��gen��der?v. en��gen��dered, en��gen��der��ing, en��gen��dersv.tr.1. To bring into existence; give rise to: "Every cloud engenders not a storm" different ways of dying. Focusing on the sacrificial sac��ri��fi��cial?adj.Of, relating to, or concerned with a sacrifice: a sacrificial offering.sac patternsof their engenderment, I discuss these differences and the way in whichthey are thought to 'emerge from the body'. Starting with Mauss's (1979; orig. 1936) seminal article on'body techniques' which, to echo Michel Feher, 'minglephysical capacities and mental mechanisms to form a body adapted tocircumstances' (1989:11), much has been written about therelationship between embodiment and society -- for instance, 'thebody of a charismatic citizen or of a visionary monk, a mirror image ofthe world or a reflection of the spirit' (ibid.). Throughout thiswriting, however, although embodiment (i.e., the experience and/orperception of 'having', 'being in' or even'being' a body) has been shown to be anything but constant oruniversal, the substantive foundation of the empirical human body hasrarely been questioned. Beyond the relativity of embodiment, as Frankputs it, 'there is a flesh which is formed in the womb,transfigured (for better or worse) in its life, dies anddecomposes' (1991:49). Thus, despite the adventures of itsapperception apperception/ap��per��cep��tion/ (ap?er-sep��shun) the process of receiving, appreciating, and interpreting sensory impressions. ap��per��cep��tionn.1. , 'corporeality remains an obdurate fact' (ibid.). Mirroring the irreducibility ir��re��duc��i��ble?adj.Impossible to reduce to a desired, simpler, or smaller form or amount: irreducible burdens.ir of this 'fact', indigenoustheories of physiology (including the associated ritual technologies ofbirth, death, and curing) are mostly considered as contextually boundrationalizations which 'account satisfactorily for the facts thatmeet the eye' (Heritier-Auge 1989:160). Indeed, in 'the formof more or less elaborate theories of the person', they are thoughtto be aimed 'at presenting a coherent, well-ordered world image,fraught with meaning and able to account for its existence andreproduction' (ibid.). Hence, what is produced at the intersectionof the universal obduracy of corporeality cor��po��re��al?adj.1. Of, relating to, or characteristic of the body. See Synonyms at bodily.2. Of a material nature; tangible. and the relativity of humanperception is an analysis of the body's representations rather thanthe modes of its construction (see Feher 1989). The supposeduniversality of the natural body leads to an inevitable contrast betweenscientific theory and theories based on 'contextually boundrationalizations', surreptitiously sur��rep��ti��tious?adj.1. Obtained, done, or made by clandestine or stealthy means.2. Acting with or marked by stealth. See Synonyms at secret. introducing the classicdichotomy of nature and culture. In other wo rds, it obscures theexciting possibility that the body itself (i.e., its corporeality)'may actually have a history' (Bynum 1989:171;cf.Laqueur1990). Bynum's suggestion, of course, is intimately linked with theparticularities of her own research into female spirituality in thelater Middle Ages, a spirituality characterized by bizarre bodilyoccurences like stigmata stigmata(stĭg`mətə, stĭgmăt`ə)[plural of stigma, from Gr.,=brand], wounds or marks on a person resembling the five wounds received by Jesus at the crucifixion. , incorruptibility in��cor��rupt��i��ble?adj.1. Incapable of being morally corrupted.2. Not subject to corruption or decay.in of the cadaver cadaver/ca��dav��er/ (kah-dav��er) a dead body; generally applied to a human body preserved for anatomical study.cadav��ericcadav��erous ca��dav��ern. in death,mystical lactations and pregnancies, strange visions, and so on.Although during my fieldwork among the Sa'dan Toraja [1] of SouthSulawesi South Sulawesi is a province of Indonesia, located on the western southern peninsula of Sulawesi island. The province is bordered by Central Sulawesi province to the north, South East Sulawesi province to the east and West Sulawesi province to the west (West Sulawesi province was (Indonesia) I came across a multitude of stories about similaroccurrences and their visible 'signs' (tanda), this articledoes not directly concern these narratives or their immediateimplications. It is rather about death and the sacrifices of themortuary ritual. For the Sa'dan Toraja, mortuary sacrifices areintimately linked with the body of the deceased. Like the bodilyoccurrences articulated in Bynum's argument, they can be seen asreflecting different forms of substantive embodiment and divergentsomatic somatic/so��mat��ic/ (so-mat��ik)1. pertaining to or characteristic of the soma or body.2. pertaining to the body wall in contrast to the viscera.so��mat��icadj. destinies. To phrase it somewhat differently, they themselvesconstitute 'bodily signs' (tanda kale kale,borecole(bôr`kōl), and collards,common names for nonheading, hardy types of cabbage (var. ) -- that is, signs ofdistinct physiologies and dissimilar corporeal Possessing a physical nature; having an objective, tangible existence; being capable of perception by touch and sight.Under Common Law, corporeal hereditaments are physical objects encompassed in land, including the land itself and any tangible object on it, that can be patterns. The sacrificial articulation of these signs is the focus of thisarticle. Using information from Buntao', a community in the easternpart of Tana Toraja, [2] I shall describe the ritual process, cataloguethe major sequences of mortuary rites and explain the link between thedifferent sacrificial imperatives and the body of the deceased. Ratherthan ada' totemo ('present-day customs'), it is importantto emphasize, this information privileges what my Toraja friends calledada' tongan ('true customs'). Consisting of traditionalnarratives (ossoran) and long lists of oblatory practices (aluk), thistruth was often portrayed as being in danger of disappearing. With themajority of the local population having converted to Christianity, manyof the rituals I shall be discussing have been modified or abandoned. Asin the rest of Tana Toraja (see Volkman 1985; Adams 1988), the growth ofthe Nation State and the continuous expansion of temporary migrationhave introduced new aspirations and new kinds of authority to the areaof Buntao' -- despite my interest in the 'old ways', thefirst persons I was sent to meet were a local school teacher and aProtestant priest! In a rather ironic twist, however, the growingpopularity of Tana Toraja as a major tourist destination A tourist destination is a city, town or other area the economy of which is dependent to a significant extent on the revenues accruing from tourism.It may contain one or more tourist attractions or visitor attractions and possibly some "tourist traps". is starting tocontribute to a re-discovery of the 'old ways' and theirsomewhat problematic re-packaging in terms of folkloric spectacle andauthentic 'local colour' (cf. Acciaioli 1985). In ethnographic eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog terms, leaving aside the implications of thesechanges, my purpose is to provide a brief account of aluk to mate('the rites for the dead'). Aluk to mate is an integral partof aluk to dolo ('the rites of the ancestors'), thetraditional 'religion' of the Sa'dan Toraja. In theindigenous cosmological cos��mol��o��gy?n. pl. cos��mol��o��gies1. The study of the physical universe considered as a totality of phenomena in time and space.2. a. model, 'the rites for the dead' areinherited from the ancestors. In an endless process of repetition, thepresent should be but a replica of the past. In the accounts of aluk tomate I encountered, this need for replication was explicated in terms ofan unchanging 'truth' (tongan). In trying to portray thistruth, I have adopted the convention of the 'ethnographicpresent' -- a convention which like this truth, rather thanignoring change, merely tries 'to bracket [it]' (dirompo). Ofcourse, in its unavoidable evocation EVOCATION, French law. The act by which a judge is deprived of the cognizance of a suit over which he had jurisdiction, for the purpose of conferring on other judges the power of deciding it. This is done with us by writ of certiorari. of a timeless and quintessentialuniverse of being and meaning, this bracketing of change simplypostpones the need to deal with discontinuity dis��con��ti��nu��i��ty?n. pl. dis��con��ti��nu��i��ties1. Lack of continuity, logical sequence, or cohesion.2. A break or gap.3. Geology A surface at which seismic wave velocities change. and fragmentation. Muchmore than t hat, to echo Michel Foucault Michel Foucault (IPA pronunciation: [miˈʃɛl fuˈko]) (October 15, 1926 – June 25, 1984) was a French philosopher, historian and sociologist. , it 'diversifies the themeof continuity'; in other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke"put differently , 'it makes it possible torethink the dispersion of history in the form of the same'(1972:21). In partial defense of the ethnographic present and myadoption of it, I should emphasize that this diversification of thetheme of continuity was also the strategy my informants appeared toadopt. The bracketing of change in their accounts of Toraja ritual andits eternal truth was their own attempt to rethink their history in theform of the same -- a kind of 'cosmological present'. The most important characteristic of this cosmological present andthe truth in which it is manifested is a fascination with the notion of'completeness'. According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. my friends and informants,anything in progress was 'not good' (cf. Volkman 1985:15).Very often, completeness was seen as the absolute pre-condition oftruth. In this respect, whether a particular sacrificial offering wasdescribed as a 'step', a 'branch' or a'joint', its efficacy was always said to be embedded in theway it was combined with other offerings to form a specific sacrificialsequence, a 'ladder', a 'tree' or a'frame'. In the same way, the truth of my friends'explication ex��pli��cate?tr.v. ex��pli��cat��ed, ex��pli��cat��ing, ex��pli��catesTo make clear the meaning of; explain. See Synonyms at explain.[Latin explic of aluk to mate depended on reproducing the ancestral waysin their completeness and right order -- that is, from 'root'to 'tip'. My bracketing of change is simply an attempt toreproduce this completeness, so as to point out some of its consequenceswhich would be much less clear without it. In any case, despite thegrowing importance of Christianity and ada ' totemo('present-day customs'), aluk to mate still forms an integralpart of everyday life in Buntao'. Indeed, two of the'highest' traditional funerals in living memory took placeduring my fieldwork. In a similar fashion, although their immediacy hasdiminished somewhat, most of the notions I shall be discussing (e.g.,'completeness', 'truth', 'hardness','softness', etc.) have retained their significance. In thecase of ritual completeness, for example, there were disagreementsbetween followers of aluk to dolo and Christian converts. Rather thanthe actual characteristics of this completeness, however, thesedisagreements concerned the rights and wrongs of its attribution to thesacrificial actions of particular people. Nevertheless, by placing the emphasis on completeness, I may beaccused of presenting a picture which falls to acknowledge one of themost intriguing aspects of ritual -- that is, its polysemy ormultivocality (see Humphrey & Laidlaw 1994: 202). Furthermore, toecho Leach's comment on the nature of ritual, by relying on thecommentary of a few informants, it may be thought that I am turning'a language of argument' into 'a chorus of harmony'(1954:278). However, following a number of ethnographic accounts ofritual (e.g., Fernandez 1965; Watson 1985), I would like to suggest thatboth of these problems are more apparent than real. EchoingGeertz's distinction between 'orthopraxy' and'orthodoxy' (1973:177), aluk to dolo places the emphasis onpractice. Rather than forming a dogma through a set of specific beliefs,it focuses on a number of sacrificial 'signs' which need to bearranged in specific ways. These practical arrangements place theemphasis on form, not content (cf. Watson 1985) -- knowledge of whic h,even in the case of rituals which have been abandoned, survives thedramatic changes in the local religious landscape and is widely shared.Thus, although I came across a good deal of disagreement at the level ofcontent (the 'meaning' of signs), there was considerableagreement at the level of form (the 'ways' in which thesesigns have to be arranged). This is an example of how 'a languageof argument' and 'a chorus of harmony' can co-exist inmutual implication and entanglement. Indeed, to return to the pointabout polysemy or multivocality, the very ambiguity of these signs maybe seen as integral to their overall efficacy and continuing relevance(cf. Fernandez 1965). Throughout this article, then, the emphasis is placed on the'ways' mortuary sacrifices are arranged in order to becompleted from 'root' to 'tip'. This emphasis allowsme to combine the voices of my main informants with a variety of othervoices, both from the past and the present, bringing the experience andunderstanding of my 'conversations' with the people ofBuntao' 'to the bar of discussion' (Gudeman & Rivera1990:191). [3] In any case, as the territory of Buntao' remains oneof the least studied areas in Tana Toraja, this discussion is also meantas a contribution to the ethnographic record of the Sa'dan Torajaand their tradition. DEATH AND THE BODY In Buntao', as throughout Tana Toraja, aluk to dolo is dividedinto two main domains: 'rites on the side of the rising sun'(aluk rampe matallo) and 'rites on the side of the settingsun' (aluk rampe matampu). While aluk rampe matallo comprises therites for the living and the deities, aluk rampe matampu' dealswith the recently dead and the non-deified ancestors. Within bothdomains, the central element is sacrifice. Indeed, as Volkman notes, forthe Sa'dan Toraja 'sacrifice is the essence of what wetranslate as "culture"' (1985:177n 7). By sacrifice,following Valerio Valeri Valerio Cardinal Valeri (November 7, 1883—July 22, 1963) was an Italian prelate of the Roman Catholic Church. He served as Prefect of the Sacred Congregation for Religious in the Roman Curia from 1953 until his death, and was elevated to the cardinalate in 1953. , I mean any action that 'includes theconsecration of an "offering" to a deity' (1985:37; cf.1996) -- it is specific combinations of sacrificial offerings that makeup particular aluk. My adoption of this definition should not be seen asa refusal to acknowledge the problems involved in defining the notion ofsacrifice -- both in the context of anthropological theory (see Valeri1985:62-70) and the comparative ethnography ethnography:see anthropology; ethnology. ethnographyDescriptive study of a particular human society. Contemporary ethnography is based almost entirely on fieldwork. of Indonesia (see Howell1996). Rather than implying the possibility of an unambiguoustheoretical perspective, placing the emphasis on 'offerings'amounts to nothing more than an attempt to reflect the indigenousunderstanding of what is involved. Echoing a number of classic works onsacrifice, this understanding creates an explicit link A pointer or link that includes the exact location of the target element. For example, an explicit HREF hypertext link on an HTML page to a graphic would begin with http:// and contain the complete hierarchy of domain name and directories down to and including the graphic file. betweensacrificing and offering (cf. Hubert and Mauss 1964; van Baal 1975;Tylor 1958), and treats the various combinations of offerings as iconic i��con��ic?adj.1. Of, relating to, or having the character of an icon.2. Having a conventional formulaic style. Used of certain memorial statues and busts. of the very thing a sacrifice aims to achieve (cf. Hocart 1970).Nevertheless, as I shall be suggesting in the conclusion to thisarticle, there is much more involved. In Buntao', the focus of a particular ritual (aluk) isdescribed as ma'pesung, 'to make [the appropriate]offerings'. These 'offerings' (pesung) are usuallycomposed of specific combinations of meat-morsels, tiny portions ofrice, and betel-nut arranged on banana leaves. Offerings are alwaysaccompanied by 'prayers' (pangimbo) which, depending on thesacrificial domain, consecrate con��se��crate?tr.v. con��se��crat��ed, con��se��crat��ing, con��se��crates1. To declare or set apart as sacred: consecrate a church.2. Christianitya. [4] them to specific deities (in the caseof 'the rising sun') or ancestors (in the case of 'thesetting sun'). Although the mortuary sacrifices form an integralpart of aluk rampe matampu' and share this emphasis on offering,the term ma'pesung is never used in the context of death. Ratherthan ma 'pesung, the action of making mortuary offerings isdescribed as ma'pakande to mate ('to feed the dead').Diffusing somewhat the danger which is associated with death and thedead (see Tsintjilonis 1993) by avoiding face to face contact, thedifference between 'feeding' and 'offering' stemsfrom the need not to look at the spirit of the dead person when you arefeeding it. Instead, as one of the priests put it, the one who is doingthe feeding and the one who is being fed must be standing 'back toback' (siboko). Despite these differences, however, ma'pesung andma'pakande can be analysed as parts of 'a larger system -- areproductive system reproductive system,in animals, the anatomical organs concerned with production of offspring. In humans and other mammals the female reproductive system produces the female reproductive cells (the eggs, or ova) and contains an organ in which development of the fetus -- in which the reproduction and regeneration ofpersons, objects, and relationships are integrated andencapsulated' (Weiner 1980:71). Within this system, death isabsolutely paramount: it operates as the 'regulatory force' inthe very constitution of these reproductive and regenerative cycles (cf.Weiner 1980:80-3). Although the mortuary sacrifices form an integralpart of aluk rampe matampu', death is only a stage in a much largerprocess of transition and initiation into the other world and beyond.This process is inextricably in��ex��tri��ca��ble?adj.1. a. So intricate or entangled as to make escape impossible: an inextricable maze; an inextricable web of deceit.b. interwoven in��ter��weave?v. in��ter��wove , in��ter��wo��ven , inter��weav��ing, inter��weavesv.tr.1. To weave together.2. To blend together; intermix.v.intr. with the way the human body isperceived. Thus, framing my discussion in terms of the indigenousexegesis exegesisScholarly interpretation of religious texts, using linguistic, historical, and other methods. In Judaism and Christianity, it has been used extensively in the study of the Bible. Textual criticism tries to establish the accuracy of biblical texts. , I start with a brief exploration of the links between deathand the body of the deceased. It is the specificity of shared substance that distinguishesone's family or kindred KINDRED. Relations by blood. 2. Nature has divided the kindred of every one into three principal classes. 1. His children, and their descendants. 2. His father, mother, and other ascendants. 3. from all others. As this substance isdepicted in terms of 'blood/bone' (rarabuku), the essence offamily is described as 'one blood, one bone'. Blood isinherited from the mother and bone from the father. Although blood isthe 'origin' (oto') of an individual life, it isexplicitly associated with softness and needs to be 'givenform' (tampa) by the hardness of bone (see Tsintjilonis 1995). Assoon as this form has been solidified and consolidated, in the relativefixity fix��i��ty?n. pl. fix��i��ties1. The quality or condition of being fixed.2. Something fixed or immovable. of the skeleton, a newborn takes on the familiar human shape andstarts to develop. Throughout this development, however, the substanceof blood and bone manifests and supports a cluster of other immaterialcomponents which are considered essential for life. The most importantof these components is known as deata ('life-spirit').Although absolutely essential for life, its connection with the rest ofthe body is rather tenous and all forms of immobility immobilitystanding still and disinclined to move, as in an animal suddenly blinded; responds to other stimuli unless immobility is part of a dummy syndrome when all stimuli are ignored. ar e explained byits absence. The difference between sleep, illness and death resides inthe length of this absence. Despite its importance for life, the overall contribution of deatais always dependent on the appropriate balance of hardness and softness.This balance itself emanates from the proper combination of blood andbone. It is the fragmentation of this equilibrium which is perceived asdeath. This fragmentation, however, does not imply the annihilation annihilationIn physics, a reaction in which a particle and its antiparticle (see antimatter) collide and disappear. The annihilation releases energy equal to the original mass m multiplied by the square of the speed of light c, or E = m ofthe various elements but their proper dispersion. The mortuary rites ofthe Toraja do not deal with the destruction of life but with itsarticulated fissure fissure/fis��sure/ (fish��er)1. any cleft or groove, normal or otherwise, especially a deep fold in the cerebral cortex involving its entire thickness.2. a fault in the enamel surface of a tooth. . Their explicit purpose is to facilitate 'thereturn [of each element] to its original form' (sule lako tamparapa'na). With death and its ritual practice being seen asembodiment in reverse (see Tsintjilonis 1993), it is the regulation ofthis dispersion that takes place through the various sacrifices. Themajor dimension of this dis-embodiment is the separation of thelife-spirit from the rest of the body. This separation underlies theinitiation of the mortuary rites and the inevitability of death. In most cases, the process of death is said to start with aparticular kind of feverish feverish/fe��ver��ish/ (fe��ver-ish) febrile. fe��ver��ishadj.1. Having a fever.2. Relating to or resembling a fever.3. Causing or tending to cause a fever. illness. 'When a person draws his lastbreath the Toraja say, reasonably, that "his breath is nomore", yet they do not speak of him as "dead"'(Volkman 1985:84). Instead, they describe him as to makula'('the one who has fever'). The cause of this fever is alwaysexplained as mallaimo deata ('the life-spirit has fled').Nevertheless, despite fleeing and wandering aimlessly aim��less?adj.Devoid of direction or purpose.aimless��ly adv.aim , the life-spiritis thought to remain near and it may be coaxed into re-entering thebody. Thus, although the fever may last for a long time, a tomakula' is not seen as dead until the first sacrifice of themortuary rites has taken place. This sacrifice is known as ma 'karu'dusan ('to make fall') and, depending on the status ofthe one who is about to die, it involves a large sow or an old buffalo.As death is not a natural process of extinction, no one can die outsideor without ritual. Until the time of ma 'karu 'dusan, one isnot (and cannot be) d ead but simply ill. During the illness, the bodyis kept in the southern room of the house and its condition is describedin terms of sleep. The duration of this stage is not fixed and, providedthat the material preparations are complete and the rice has been safelystored in the barns, the mortuary rites could start at any time.However, as the required sacrifices may involve considerable expense, itcould last for a few years. [5] Three nights before the sacrifice of ma'karu'dusan andthe beginning of the death ritual, a to makula' is forced to enterthe intermediate state of 'confusion' (palimpuan). On thefirst night, accompanied by a great deal of noise (e.g., shouting), aconcerted effort is made to 'frighten the life-spirit away'and to turn the uncertainty of illness into the inevitability of death.Even though still seen as hot, people in the state of confusion areconsidered different from a to makula' in one important respect:they lack 'awareness' (panoto). They are confused andbewildered - not knowing east from west, right from left, and so on. After three nights of confusion, the mortuary rites begin. With thesacrifice of ma 'karu 'dusan over, the life-spirit becomesautonomous and tums into a 'black shadow' (bombo lotong). As ablack shadow, it is more distinct and certain people can see it.Although a successful funeral necessitates the effective separation ofthe various life elements and their return to the appropriate cosmicdomains, most of the rites deal with the fate of the shadow, itstransition into the other world and beyond. Through the varioussacrificial offerings, it is gradually separated from the corpse andcarefully guided south to Puya ('the village of the shadows'),where it is thought to arrive by the end of the mortuary rites. As partof the same process, the corpse is eventually entombed in a tomb hewn hewn?v.A past participle of hew.Adj. 1. hewn - cut or shaped with hard blows of a heavy cutting instrument like an ax or chisel; "a house built of hewn logs"; "rough-hewn stone"; "a path hewn through the underbrush" out of solid rock. As soon as the death ritual is over, the rites forthe 'ancestors of the west' (aluk to matua) begin. At thisstage, the shadow becomes 'old' (matua), which is another wayof saying that it attains ancestor hood by leaving the village of theshadows and ascending to the western part of the sky, the place of thenon-deified ancestors. Despite this transformation, the deceased'sspirit retains its dark, shadowy form. After the completion of the ritesfor the ancestors of the west, a shadow undergoes the 'ritual ofconversion' (aluk pembalikan). It involves two series ofcomplicated sacrifices which attempt to purify Purify - A debugging tool from Pure Software. and transform a shadowback into a 'life-spirit' (deata). During most of theconversion ritual, the ancestral spirit is seen as being in atransitional state between the realm of the west and the realm of theeast. By the end of the conversion rites, however, it is totallyassociated with life and life-giving qualities and, in the poetic idiomof the traditional narratives, it is depicted as 'goldencoolness' (ra'pak-ra'pak bulawanna). Some time later, inorder to be amassed and re-embodied, this coolness is 'called backthrough the final set of sacrificial rites known as aluk deata('life-spirit rites ') (for a detailed description of thespirit's conversion and its overall transition see Tsintjilonis2000). In the case of Buntao', then, the efficacy of the mortuaryrites is an integral part of a much larger ritual process which focuseson reproduction and regeneration. As an overall process of exchange, itmanifests the co-operation of humans, ancestors and gods, and aims atthe renewal and replenishment of the cosmos. By turning hotness anddeath into coolness and life, it regenerates the flow of life, createsnew embodiments, and strengthens already existing ones (cf. Weiner1980:71). Different 'kinds' (rupa) of people, however, partake inthis process of exchange and transformation to different degrees and indifferent ways -- for instance, not all shadows manage to becomelife-spirits. As Fox has put it, in the more comparative context ofinsular insular/in��su��lar/ (-sdbobr-ler) pertaining to the insula or to an island, as the islands of Langerhans. in��su��laradj.Of or being an isolated tissue or island of tissue. Southeast Asia, 'although there exists an ultimate groundof identity to all manifestations of life, the traditional point of viewmakes no assumption of identity or equality among particularmanifestations' (1987:524). Exemplifying the lack of such anassumption by reproducing familiar Austronesian themes like spiritualdifferentiation and hierarchy (see ibid. :526), the mortuary rites ofthe Toraja and the eventual fate of the various shadows manifest humandisparity and intrinsic inequality. Since there is not a notion of auniform and evenly shared humanity, different people are thought to diein different ways: some fall like the setting sun, turn hazy like mist,or see their life-path folding; others go off like overripe o��ver��ripe?adj.1. Too ripe.2. Marked by decay or decline.over��ripe fruit,wither lik e plants, or dissolve like dampened sugar. While falling likethe setting sun is associated with hardness, withering with��er��ing?adj.Tending to overwhelm or destroy; devastating: withering sarcasm.with like a plant isdue to extreme softness. Apart from hardness and softness, a death maybe explained in terms of wetness, diffuseness, emptiness, and so on. Describing the 'state' (a'ga) of a particularcorpse, the significance of these qualities stems from the way in whichthe fate of a particular shadow is thought to be determined by theamount and kind of sacrifices marking its initial transition from lifeto death, a transition in itself determined by the 'kind' ofthe deceased. In traditional terms, Toraja society is divided into twobasic kinds of people: tau tongan ('true people') and kaunan(slaves) -- true people being further subdivided into nobles (to makakamatasak, 'ripe elder siblings') and commoners (to makaka,'elder siblings'). This division is meant to reflect theintrinsic inequality of different kinds of people. Explicating thisinequality by linking the 'essence' (bombong) of differentpeople with different substances, the notion of tana'('stakes') is used: tana' bulaan ('goldenstakes') for the nobles, tana' bassi bas��si?n.A plural of basso. ('iron stakes')for the commoners, and tana' karurung ('stakes from the hardcore of the sugar palm') for the slaves. Tana' is inheritedfrom one's mother and, in this way, the essential characteristicsof all people are associated with gold, iron, or wood. [6] Although, in a literal sense, tana' may designate anythingfrom boundary markers to tethering posts (see Nooy-Palm 1979:35, 52), itis intimately linked with sacrifice. In its association with sacrifice,tana' stipulates disparate ritual responsibilities and links theessence of different people with different sacrificial requirements.Manifesting and embodying the tana' of the deceased, the deathrites of the Sa'dan Toraja are meant to accomplish rather differentthings -- for example, while a female of noble descent must be'placed like a cooking pot', a male or female commoner shouldbe 'raised like a rice barn' and a slave 'rubbed withchaff chaff1. chaffed hay; called also chop.2. the winnowings from a threshing, consisting of awns, husks, glumes and other relatively indigestible materials. . While tana' is the most important criterion, gender, age, orthe 'extraordinary nature' of a particular deceased may alsoplay a role. In some cases, like being struck by lightning or murdered,the actual cause of death becomes a major source of the sacrificialimperatives. Whatever the circumstances, however, there is oneimperative which always overrides and conde nses all others -- namely,the need to 'harmonize' (sitondon) the funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner offerings withthe deceased's body. In this sense, the most important function ofthe mortuary sacrifices is described as 'measuring the body'and displaying its 'measurements' (sukaran). It is in thisfashion that the mortuary rites of the Toraja constitute bodily signs. MODES OF DEATH AND TYPES OF BODY The total number of sacrifices required by a particular type offuneral is described as its 'ritual articulation' (lesoanaluk). The primary meaning of lesoan is 'joint' or'node', as in lesoan buku ('bone joints') or lesoankayu ('tree joints') (Tammu & van der Veen 1972:3078). Thenotion of lesoan aluk is extremely important because a rich family ofslave descent may be able to afford the sacrifice of (to pick a numberat random) five buffaloes. The articulation of a slave ritual, however,cannot include more than two. In other words, only two of thesebuffaloes will have the proper sacrificial function of'feeding' the deceased and following his or her shadow to theother world. In the same way, for a wealthy noble tens of buffaloes maybe killed, but the actual articulation of the ritual cannot include morethan eight. In most cases, a mortuary articulation takes its name fromthe number of buffaloes it requires. This is the number whichcorresponds with the sum total of ritual joints and is said to be th esign or measurement of the deceased's body. When the name of anarticulation is not derived from the number of oblations involvingbuffaloes, it is either because such oblations are totally missing withthe main offerings involving only the sacrifice of pigs [7] or becausethe fate of the deceased's shadow is partially determined throughregisters other than tana' (e.g., age or gender). The connection between the number of ritual joints and the body ofthe deceased is explicated in the traditional narratives which chroniclethe creation of the cosmos and its inhabitants. According to the mostimportant of these narratives, known as lalanna sukaran aluk ('thepath of the ritual measurements'), the creator-god (Puang Matua) ofthe Sa'dan Toraja 'forged' people twice. The first time,in creating the ancestor of the nobles, he used a combination of mud,stone, water and fire. The second time, in forging the ancestors of theslaves, he mixed only mud and stone. The patterns of this corporealdifferentiation are not limited to a distant or mythical past. Asmaternal blood conveys the essence of the material originally used, inthe form of tana', each new birth replicates a particular type ofcorporeality and each kind of people is embodied in a different way. Itis this difference that death and its ritual articulations instantiate In object technology, to create an object of a specific class. See instance. instantiate - instantiation and reproduce. In other words, lesoan aluk 'emerge from the body. In Buntao', the various death rituals and their correspondingarticulations are divided into two major categories: rites for children('those without teeth') and rites for adults ('those withteeth'). At the heart of this distinction lies what is perceived asthe weight of a particular shadow. Starting with the logic of thisdistinction, I shall briefly describe the various articulations in orderto highlight their connection with different types of body and distinctmodes of death. Soft Bodies, Light Shadows Although differences in a life-spirits weight may be related toanything from individual potency to material wealth, the idea of weightis intimately linked with the indigenous notion of what a complete('round') body involves. If a newborn is to survive and startto develop, the initial softness of the maternal blood must be hardenedwith paternal bone. A 'round' (kalebu) body manifests theproper admixture of softness and hardness, and the first sign of such anaccomplishment is the appearance of teeth. The procedure for dealingwith the death of children, who die before cutting any teeth, is basedupon the belief that their bodies are still soft and their shadowslight. Deprived of their vigour and losing their vitality, such bodiesdecay in the fashion of a withering plant. In contrast to the ritualsfor adults which must both guide and carry the deceased's spirit tothe other world, the shadows of children can fly. However, a flyingshadow does not travel south but is thought to ascend directly towards the western part of the sky. The funeral lasts only a night and theritual articulation, known as aluk to mentia' ('rites forthose who fly), requires the sacrifice of a single pig and one cockerel cockerelyoung male domestic fowl, older than 4 weeks, up to sexual maturity at about 5 months. (cf. Nooy-Palm 1986:183-4; Tangdilintin 1975:91-2). Having been washed and 'given' a little cotton soaked inthe mother's milk, the corpse is wrapped in a single length ofwhite cloth and inserted in a piece of solong (the outer sheath of theareca nut areca nut (·rēˑ·k ). It is usually buried in a small cave ('the lair of thewild cat'), somewhere in the forest. Such a cave is always situatednear a tall tree, so that the spirit of the child can climb up and flyaway (in the neighbouring territory of Sangalla', for the samereason, dead children are placed in the hollow of a tree). The actualburial is concluded by late afternoon and, very early next morning, thevarious 'prohibitions' (pemali; mostly concerning what can orcannot be eaten) are lifted through a special meal for which the redcockerel is killed and cooked. The preparations for this meal are theresponsibility of the parents and this food cannot be shared by anyoneelse. As soon as the meal is over, a child's shadow isautomatically transformed into a life-spirit and enters the realm of theeast. Watery Bodies, Pure Spirits The rites for 'those who fly' do not apply to allchildren. Stillborn babies, as well as those who die within three daysof birth, are dealt with through the ritual articulation of 'buriedwith the umbilical umbilical/um��bil��i��cal/ (um-bil��i-k'l) pertaining to the umbilicus. um��bil��i��caladj.1. Of or relating to the navel.2. Relating to the umbilical region of the abdomen. cord' (dipasitanan lolona) (cf. Nooy-Palm1986:183; Koubi 1982:256). The tiny corpse and the cord are wrapped bythe mother in a single piece of white cloth and, after being placed in asmall reed bag, are removed from the house by being attached to a lengthof rattan rattan(rătăn`), name for a number of plants of the genera Calamus, Daemonorops, and Korthalsia climbing palms of tropical Asia, belonging to the family Palmae (palm family). and lowered through a hole in the floor of the southern room.Once outside the house, they are 'planted' by the father onthe eastern side of the backyard, or amongst the house pillars. Thearticulation for this type of ritual involves only the preparation of asingle pot of rice and there is a strong prohibition against the killingof any animals. Known as bo'bo' bannang ('thread ofboiled rice'), this meal is prepared inside the house and shared bywhoever is present. Although such children are buried, their life-spirits do not turninto shadows and are said to ascend directly to the eastern part of thesky. Their bodies are seen as watery and lacking a kernel. Their extremesoftness is associated with a complete lack of bone and their death islikened to the way sugar or salt dissolves when it is dampened. The fateof their spirits is usually explained in terms of purity -- they lackboth the material and mystical debts that are incurred in life. I wasnever told, however, that such children return to the realm of theunborn. Indeed, according to some information, their life-spirit remainsaffixed to the hearth. Whatever their final destination may be, thespirits of children who are stillborn or die before they cut any teethare not considered hot or dangerous. Their initial transition from lifeto death is not linked with illness and the dissolution of their bodiesis not structured through the early stages of fever and confusion. Oncethe life-spirit starts to flee, t he process of death is deemedirreversible and there is no need to wait. Hard Bodies, Heavy Shadows Unlike the rites for children, the usual process of death foradults is mainly associated with a specific kind of hardness. Theinitial fever makes the body hard and dry 'like a stone'. Itis this hardness which makes the shadow of an adult heavy and'unable to walk by itself'. Accordingly, the required funerarysacrifices and the way they are combined to form specific articulationswill not simply direct a shadow to the other world, they will alsopropel it by 'giving it wings'. The exact weight of aparticular shadow is determined by one's tana'. Along theselines, the 'rites for those with teeth' are further subdividedinto two categories: 'rites for true people' (aluk tau tongan)and 'rites for slaves' (aluk kaunan). Herein, it is theultimate fate of a shadow that is at stake. In the case of true people(nobles and commoners), a shadow will advance beyond the realm of thewest; in the case of the slaves, it will not. Within the rites for true people, there are two possible ritualarticulations: dipa'pitu ('offered seven') for nobles anddipabendan alang ('raised like a rice barn') for commoners.While the former involves the combined sacrifice of eight buffaloes,twenty-two pigs, three hens and two dogs, the latter requires only fourbuffaloes, sixteen pigs and two hens. Both terms derive from the numberof buffaloes sacrificed. The golden tana' of nobles demands thesacrifice of eight buffaloes (although, as the name implies, one is notactually killed until later on in the ritual process) because theirbodies are thought to be composed of eight parts. Although the firsttime human life was created by Puang Matua only four substances wereused, the sum total of four was deemed inadequate and each element wasmultiplied by two in order to 'complete the number'(napaganna' bilanganna/napasanda ia'na). Replicating the bodyof the first human being (Datu Laukku'), who is also their originalancestor, the bodies of nobles co mprise eight parts and demand eightsacrificial joints. In fact, the idea of eight parts is embedded in thevery notion of leso[an] - leso ('to joint') means to dividesomething (usually a ricefield or the carcass of an animal) into eightparts (Tammu & van der Veen 1972:307). In the case of commoners, asthe original ingredients were not doubled, their bodies are composed ofonly four parts and their tana' demands the sacrifice of only fourbuffaloes. Although for both commoners and nobles ma 'karu 'dusaninvolves a large buffalo, the actual process of death is seen asslightly different. As a noble 'falls like the setting sun' or'rolls like the face tof the setting] moon', this is a deaththat involves the community as a whole. In the intensity of its potencyand the force of its weight, a noble shadow can cause further confusionand illness by attracting other life-spirits and 'piling up'more deaths. It can also influence other domains exposing to misfortunethe growth of all 'three siblings' (humans, animals, plants).On the contrary, commoners die because their 'breath hasfinished' or their 'path has folded'. Centred on the fateof specific bodies, this is a death which can be contained and dealtwith much more easily. Nevertheless, despite this disparity, botharticulations support a shadow on its journey to the other world andbeyond. There is, however, one important difference. In the context of dipa'pitu, the transformation from west toeast is dependent upon the successful acquisition of a human head. Assoon as the shadow is considered to have gained ancestorhood, the ritualis interrupted for roughly a year, during which time a headhuntingexpedition is launched and a head hopefully secured.[8] Before the headcan be introduced into the ritual proceedings, the ancestors must be'fed' through a series of sacrificial offerings known asma'nene'. At this point, the obligations arising from thedeath ritual converge with the debt towards the ancestors of the west.The central sacrifice of ma'nene' (a large buffalo) is stillconsidered a part of the mortuary offerings. Thus, although the ritualarticulation of dipa'pitu is said to comprise only seven buffaloes,there is always an eighth which is saved until the time ofma'nene'. Three nights after the completion of thema'nene' rites, the head can be utilized and the ancestralspirit can be converted into deata. For those who are buried according to the strictures of dipabendanalang the situation is rather different. As soon as the spirit of thedeceased is thought to have reached the western part of the sky, theritual is not interrupted and the shadow can be immediately convertedinto deata. A commoner's shadow does not require a head in order topass from west to east. Hence, in the case of a commoner, all thebuffaloes of the mortuary ritual are slaughtered before the entombment,the rites are not interrupted, ma'nene' is not undertaken anda newly taken head is not required. In the context of a noble ritual only, an important distinction ismade between aluk muane ('rites for males') and aluk baine('rites for females'). Although the number of major sacrificesremains the same, the shadow of a female should not be brought intocontact with the hardness associated with headhunters or the dangerouspowers of a newly taken head. This female articulation is known asdipatonang ('placed like a cooking pot') and differssubstantially from both dipa'pitu and dipabendan. Retaining some ofthe qualities of deata, this shadow requires the construction of abamboo effigy EFFIGY, crim. law. The figure or representation of a person. 2. To make the effigy of a person with an intent to make him the object of ridicule, is a libel. (q.v.) Hawk. b. 1, c. 7 3, s. 2 14 East, 227; 2 Chit. Cr. Law, 866. 3. (tau-tau lampa) as its temporary receptacle. Such a shadowis described as being 'nearer' both to the cosmic sources oflife and the 'first people' (the ancestors who founded thevarious communities). As a result, the death of a noble female offers anopportunity to feed these ancestors (she becomes, as it were, 'thecooking pot') through a series of offerings characteristic only ofdipatonang. Despite the differences between them, each of the ritualarticulations which make up the rites for true people enables a shadowto progress beyond the western edge of the sky and to join the realm ofthe east. Some shadows are heavier than others and the acquisition ofancestorhood is organized and achieved through different combinations ofmortuary offerings but, as all shadows can be transformed into deata,these ritual articulations manifest and embody different degrees of asimilar kind of potency. In contrast, the rites for slaves, althoughalso comprising a number of sacrificial alternatives, do not allow ashadow to advance beyond the western part of the sky. Furthermore, thesuccessful conclusion of a slave ritual depends upon the co-operation ofthe deceased's puang ('owner') -- the relationshipbetween slaves and their ancestors is mediated by their'owners'. Embodying and manifesting these differences, ratherthan a buffalo, the rite of ma'karu'dusan involves only alarge sow. In this context, there are two major ritual articulations:dirandukan ongan ('sheltered'), demanding the sacrifice of twobuffaloes and eleven pigs, and dipasiilang ta'pian ('rubbedwith chaff), requiring a single buffalo and three pigs. Once again, theactual terms are intimately linked with the number of buffaloessacrificed and, at least in the case of dirandukan ongan, with thenumber of parts a slave body is thought to comprise. Puang Matua createdthe ancestors of slaves from the mixture of two elements: mud and stone.Having multiplied the sum total of these substances by four in order to'complete the number' (i.e., make it an eight), he went on tocreate the 'original slaves'. Since four people emerged fromthe divine bellows, however, each body is said to comprise only twoparts and to demand the sacrifice of only two buffaloes. In dirandukanongan, the deceased is further described as 'holding with bothhands'; with the left he or she feeds the ancestors on themother's side, with the right the an cestors on the father'sside. Although I was unable to pinpoint a particular danger, theimplication seems to be that in the presence of the ancestors, a slaveshould be protected ('sheltered'). In the case of dipasiliangta'pian, the deceased is likened to a buffalo which rubs itselfagainst a rock or the trunk of a tree. Unless it refers to some kind ofsymbolic 'winnowing' (ta'pian), though, the exactconnection between rubbing and chaff remains unclear. Furthermore, I amunable to offer an explanation as to why a single buffalo is consideredenough. When two buffaloes are sacrificed, the corpse is entombed twonights after ma 'karu'-dusan, six nights later the variousprohibitions are lifted and the shadow is seen as being well on its wayto the western part of the sky. In common with the previousarticulations, it takes three more nights for the shadow to arrive atthe place of the ancestors of the west. Once there, as itstransformation into a life-spirit is not possible, the journey isconsidered to have been concluded and there is no need for a conversionritual. In dipasiillang ta'pian, although entombment takes placeafter only one night and the various prohibitions are fully lifted afterfour nights, the fate of the shadow remains the same. In cases where afamily cannot afford to sacrifice any buffaloes, there is a variation ofthe last articulation which requires only four pigs (dibaia'pa'). Still poorer families can undertake the smallestritual possible which demands the sacrifice of a single pig (ditallangtungga'). However, such a sacrific e 'cannot walk by itselfand its essence is unable to follow the shadow to the other world;hence, rituals of this sort are considered incomplete and the deathjourney is described as 'lonely'. A shadow without the propersacrifices cannot enter Puya and its fate is described as one ofcontinuous wandering. In this state, it is intensely feared and thefamily of the deceased are especially at risk. In traditional terms, these types of ritual constitute the majorsacrificial combinations and apply to most cases. [9] The people ofBuntao' do not place special emphasis on the distinction betweenbad and good deaths, widespread in Indonesia (see Sell 1955). Of course,described as resulting in real confusion (malimpu tongan), there areviolent or unexpected deaths. However, with a single exception which Ishall not discuss here, [10] they do not require any special rites. Assuch deaths usually occur outside the house, the only additionalrequirements revolve around Verb 1. revolve around - center upon; "Her entire attention centered on her children"; "Our day revolved around our work"center, center on, concentrate on, focus on, revolve about the need to recover the body. Contrary to Hertz's (1960:34) suggestion, then, Buntao'ideas concerning the fate of the 'soul' are not vague andindefinite. Almost always, informants were quite clear about the routeof a shadow's journey and its eventual fate. To brieflyrecapitulate re��ca��pit��u��late?v. re��ca��pit��u��lat��ed, re��ca��pit��u��lat��ing, re��ca��pit��u��latesv.tr.1. To repeat in concise form.2. : apart from stillborn babies (or those dying within threedays of birth) and the partial exception of 'those withoutteeth', the spirit of a deceased travels south and descends to the'bottom of the river'; by 'crossing the river', itenters the other world and starts its ascent towards the western part ofthe sky. From there, if the deceased was a true human, it travelseastwards east��ward?adv. & adj.Toward, to, or in the east.n.An eastward direction, point, or region.east in order to join the realm of the deata; if the deceased was aslave, it remains in the west overseeing and protecting the fate of theliving. Rotting Bodies, Pure Spirits There are three cases, however, in which the shadow of an adultdoes not travel south or west but ascends directly to the eastern partof the sky (cf. Nooy-Palm 1986:116-20). These ritual articulations areknown as 'rites for those who are like life-spirits' (aluk tomadeata) and are meant to facilitate the entombment of a to burake (apriest who is described as 'half man, half woman'), a tomenani (a type of rice priest), and a to nasiok kila'('someone struck by lightning'). In Buntao', the last to burake died in the early 1920s and thefuneral of the last to menani took place in the mid 1960s. I know of nolocal cases involving people struck by lightning and the idea may havebeen introduced from other areas. All the dead who fall into thesecategories must be 'feasted like life-spirits' because, in afashion reminiscent of stillborn babies, their deata does not turn intobombo when they die. Rather than dampness, however, their death isthought to be due to overripeness: being 'ripe' (matasak)results in rotting (like fruit) and the excessive production of liquid('water/juice') which, through wetness, leads to thedisintegration of the body and death. This type of funeral is not linkedwith either the south or the west and is similar to the sacrifices whichdeal with life on 'the side of the rising sun': the deathpriest cannot attend, food associated with death cannot be used, blackclothing cannot be worn, and the spirit of the deceased is notconsidered angry or dangerous. The most dramatic difference betweenthese rites and other funerals is the fact that the corpse cannot betaken out of the house through the door. Instead, the northern wall ofthe front room is cut open to provide an exit through which the corpsecan be removed. As a house always faces north, the spirit of thedeceased is said to move 'up river', towards the 'head ofthe earth'. From there, it travels directly eastwards in order toenter the realm Enter the Realm is a independently-released EP cassette by Iced Earth. It was released in 1989 and re-released in 2001 as part of the Dark Genesis box set. It's the only Iced Earth release featuring drummer Greg Seymour. of the east. In the case of the two priests, the justification for this practiceis as follows. Through their 'extraordinary nature', embodiedand manifested in the rituals they oversee during their lifetime, theyensure the fertility of the gardens and the rice fields, as well as thesuccessful reproduction of humans and animals. While they are alive, theessence of their ritual responsibilities is to 'buy thehealth' of the 'three siblings' (plants, humans,animals). Their death is their final contribution to the cosmic growthof which they are both parts and significant sources. In their case, theritual articulation is meant to ensure the immediate return of theirspirit to the realm of life and the rising sun. Being pure, 'likerice', they should never be brought into contact with Puya and thewest. The case of those who die struck by lightning is explained inrather different terms. The people of Buntao' distinguish two kindsof fire: the 'fire of the First Human' (apinna Pong (games) Pong - A computer game invented in 1972 by Atari's Nolan Bushnell. The game is a minimalist rendering of table tennis. Each of the two players are represented as a white slab, controllable by a knob, which deflects a bouncing ball. Mulatau)and that of the 'Roaring Thun der' (Kila' Rondon). Whilethe former is associated with human activities (such as cooking) andtheir spirit guardians, the latter is seen as originating wholly in thesky and as revealing one of the original gods (La'te Mamara,'Dry Lightning'). Thus, when someone is killed by 'firefrom the sky', it is said that he or she is 'pulled' bythe deities and, because of this, must take the 'path of the risingsun'. CONCLUSION Thus, whatever the specific sacrificial combinations may be, thenotion of articulation does not simply correspond to unequal ritualrequirements. Through their intrinsic connection with diverse patternsof bodily dispersion and disparate states of death, the imperativesembedded in lesoan aluk manifest and engender fundamentally differentways of dying: young children die because of softness or dampness,adults because of dryness or over-ripeness, and the hardness of'those with teeth' is associated with different kinds ofpotency and reflects an unequal number of body parts. Furthermore, eachtype of death contributes distinctive qualities to the actual conditionof the deceased's spirit -- for instance, while a soft body givesrise to a light shadow, a hard body indicates a heavy bombo. Suchqualities imply and inform variously structured forms of transition tothe other world and beyond. The exact path of the shadow depends on thestatus of the deceased as well as the way in which he or she dies.Whatever the particular register of differentiation might be, however,its major dimensions are always traced back to the state and kind ofparticular bodies. In this sense, the ritual multiplicity of mortuarypractices should be treated as substantive: people die in different waysbecause they are substantially different. In their diversity, mortuary oblations are always body-signs --iconic indications of the deceased's true kind and state.Furthermore, as they are thought to emerge from the body, such signs donot amount to a set of simple representations or symbols. In so far asthey are unequivocal measurements, they both represent and'actualize' (cf. Clay 1977:3) the significant attributes ofparticular bodies. In a way highly reminiscent of Melanesianethnography, before a corpse can be entombed and the death-journey canbegin, the deceased's nature must be replicated and sacrificiallytranscribed. In many Massim societies, for instance, 'it is atdeath that the multiple constitution of the socially active personduring his or her lifetime is displayed, then deconstituted and takenapart' (Strathern 1988:291; cf. Battaglia 1990). In a similarfashion, for the Melpa and the Wiru, 'when the person dies a lastrecognition, or else a re-creation of those "parts" which heor she demonstrated while active, must be put in han d' (A.Strathern 198 1:219). Above all, as in the case of the'Are'are, the mortuary sacrifices of the Toraja can be said toreproduce, in tangible form, the 'image' of the deceased(Barraud et al. 1994:42). Despite a shared emphasis on 'actualizing' rather thansimply representing the attributes of the deceased, however, there is animportant difference between the Sa'dan Toraja and the focus ofmost Melanesian ethnographies. In the case of the latter, as MarilynStrathem puts it, it is useful to regard 'the person' as an objectification('personification') of relationships. In so far as people turnone set of relationships into another, they act (as individual subjects)to turn themselves into persons (objects) in the regard of others. Theyobjectify themselves, one might say. And this is indeed the point ofmaking themselves active agents; this is their destiny. Life is notimagined to be without supports: one acts to create the supports.(1988:313-4) First and foremost, in other words, the Melanesian world is one ofrelationships. Of course, different Melanesianists perceive and analysethese relationships in different ways. For example, there is a cleardifference between de Coppet's or Iteanu's'cosmomorphic' societies (see Barraud et al 1994:118-20) andMarilyn Strathern's 'societies which do not namethemselves' (1988:318-25). Nevertheless, by placing the emphasis onrelationships, they all treat the Melanesian person as a manifestationcf social or cosmic relations. Furthermore, they all remain imprisonedin the dialectic of 'subjects' (partible par��ti��ble?adj.That can be parted, divided, or separated; divisible: a partible estate.Adj. 1. partible - (of e.g. , relational, orotherwise). On the contrary, in the case of the Toraja, the indigenouscommentary on human diversity is characterized by a ubiquitousessentialism essentialismIn ontology, the view that some properties of objects are essential to them. The “essence” of a thing is conceived as the totality of its essential properties. which, renouncing relationships as being derivative,strives to define human nature in terms of absolute and irreducible irreducible/ir��re��duc��i��ble/ (ir?i-doo��si-b'l) not susceptible to reduction, as a fracture, hernia, or chemical substance. ir��re��duc��i��bleadj.1. difference. Indeed, as I have noted elsewhere (1997:151-2), it isdifference that gives rise to relationships and, in the original form ofdatu ('sovereign', a hermaphroditic her��maph��ro��dite?n.1. An animal or plant exhibiting hermaphroditism.2. Something that is a combination of disparate or contradictory elements. being, the dissolution ofwhich initiated the process of creation), predates the formation of thecosmos (i.e., relations) as such. According to the Toraja, one of themost important loci loci[L.] plural of locus.lociPlural of locus, see there and foci of this difference is the human body.Furthermore, as this difference is always perceived in terms of embodiedsubstance (gold, iron, etc.), the essential attributes of the Torajaperson seem to echo Marriot's descriptions of India and the fashionin which the appropriate codes of action and conduct 'are thoughtto be naturally embodied' (1976:109-10). Thus, rather than an instantiation (programming) instantiation - Producing a more defined version of some object by replacing variables with values (or other variables).1. In object-oriented programming, producing a particular object from its class template. of relations, the Toraja personis firstly a 'body' (kale); rather than being an agent acting'to create [life's] supports', as in MarilynStrathern's argument, kale is a support or a bearer of life itself- a 'body-person' (see Tsintjilonis 1997:269-70). From thispoint of view, Toraja life and death are not states of persons orsubjects (however they may be construed), but ritual practices whichactualize and replenish the universe. In this respect, life and deathmay be seen as pure activities. They are pure activities not becausethey have no 'meaning or goal', in the way that Staal(1979:19) has suggested of ritual, but because they are without aconstitutive constitutive/con��sti��tu��tive/ (kon-stich��u-tiv) produced constantly or in fixed amounts, regardless of environmental conditions or demand. subject. As Lash puts it, utilizing Nietzsche'sdistinctions, 'we should be able to understand events as activitieswithout subjects; we should be able to think of "flashinglightning" without thinking "lightning flashes"'(1991:272). Along these lines, I have sought to further theunderstanding of death in Tana T oraja by discussing dying and livingbodies, not because bodies themselves are doing the living and dying,but because they are what is constituted in and through the pureactivities of life and death. To borrow Sissa's expression, then, the mortuary ritual'tells of the body' (1989:144). But, through the embodiednature of difference, each body 'tells its own story' (ibid.).In its overall efficacy, aluk to dolo replenishes and regenerates theuniverse. This process of replenishment and regeneration is bound upwith the reproduction and multiplication of bodies. In replenishing thecosmos, the sacrificial rites of the Toraja concatenate To link structures together. Concatenating files appends one file to another. In speech synthesis, units of speech called "phonemes" (k, sh, ch, etc.) are concatenated to produce meaningful sounds. the imperativesof embodiment and disembodiment dis��em��bod��y?tr.v. dis��em��bod��ied, dis��em��bod��y��ing, dis��em��bod��ies1. To free (the soul or spirit) from the body.2. To divest of material existence or substance. through the sacrificial articulations ofsuccessive rites of passage (especially birth and death). Within thesearticulations, to partially echo Mopsik's work on the Jewishtradition, kale itself may be thought of as a 'body ofpassage': 'Like the eye of the needle Eye of the Needle is a spy thriller novel written by British author Ken Follett. It was originally published in 1978 by the Penguin Group titled Storm Island. , it allows thethread' of cosmogonic cos��mog��o��ny?n. pl. cos��mog��o��nies1. The astrophysical study of the origin and evolution of the universe.2. A specific theory or model of the origin and evolution of the universe. becoming 'to move through time and weaveits fabric' (1989:61). Indeed, framed in terms of fabric, if kaleis the eye of the needle, ritual is the needle itself. Nevertheless,within this fabric, there are different kinds of thr ead. Using therites of death, I tried to describe their difference and multiplicity.Different funerary sacrifices articulate different deaths, and differentdeaths manifest the dispersal of different bodies. It is in this sensethat bodies can be seen as telling their own story, a story ofsubstantive divergence and irreducible disparity: gold, iron, wood,different principles of embodiment, the multiformity of corporeality,and so on. Although it may be far-fetched to imply the existence of any directconnections between the ancestral practices of the Sa'dan Torajaand Brahmanic formulae like puruso vai vajnah ('[i]n truth, thesacrifice is a man [or is Man]; see Malamoud 1989:96), it is certainlypossible to suggest that the obsequies of the Sa'dan derive their'form and intelligibility from the metaphor of the body'(ibid.). The mortuary ritual of the Toraja may be seen as a process oftransmogrification which converts the invisible architecture of thedeceased's body into a visible sacrificial mould. By transmutingthe subject of the sacrifier into an objective sacrificial form and bytreating this form as a set of bodily signs, this transmogrificationbrings to mind the notions of sacrifice as 'objectivation'(Hubert and Mauss 1964; cf. Valeri 1985:65) and 'efficaciousrepresentation' (Hocart 1970; cf. Valeri 1985:67). In other words,a specific combination of mortuary offerings (in the sense of lesoanaluk) is both 'the subject in an objective form' (Hubert andMauss) and 'an icon' (Hocart) of the first part of itsregenerative journey through the Toraja universe. Rather than a theoryof objectivation or representation, however, the way lesoan aluk arethought to emerge from the body seems to suggest the need for a theoryof embodiment -- that is, a theory which concentrates on explicating thesacrificial efficacy of the fashion in which the qualities of themortuary sacrificial combinations (e.g., the eight buffaloes ofdipa'pitu) are thought to embody and manifest the qualitiesattributed to the body of the deceased. In this sense, rather than theobsequies of the Sa'dan deriving their 'form andintelligibility from the metaphor of the body', it would be thebodies of the Sa'dan that derive their form and intelligibilityfrom the ritual metaphor of lesoan aluk. Gaining its being in this kind of metaphor, to return toBynum's work and the way I introduced this discussion, the Torajabody would have more than a history. Indeed, it would be only history --a history of sacrificial offerings. An oblatory history which, ratherthan exhausting itself in the obduracy of corporeality, would dramatize dram��a��tize?v. dram��a��tized, dram��a��tiz��ing, dram��a��tiz��esv.tr.1. To adapt (a literary work) for dramatic presentation, as in a theater or on television or radio.2. the adventures of the sacrificial signs that sustain, contain anddestroy it. Of course, in the explication of this history, the safety of my'ethnographic present' and the intellectual ambience ofancestral worlds will have to be abandoned. Emphasizing partiality andfragmentation, the 'truth' I have tried to portray in thisarticle will have to be seen as one among many in the modem Torajaworld. The 'cosmological present' of the friends who hauntthese pages will have to be removed from their cosmos and placed in thecontext of their world. A world of Christians and Moslems, colonialencounters, Nation-States, tourists, travellers, and 'wellinformed' anthropologists. Nevertheless, as Ne' Baru put it,it may well be only 'its face' (lindona) that changes. [11] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The fieldwork on which this article is based was conducted betweenJuly 1988 and March 1990. I am grateful to the Indonesian Institute ofSciences (LIPI LIPI Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (Indonesian Institute of Sciences)) and the Universitas Hasannudin (UNHAS UNHAS United Nations Humanitarian Air ServicesUNHAS Universitas Hassanudin Makassar ) for sponsoring myresearch. My thanks to Rodney Needham for his guidance while at Oxfordand to M.J. Lloyd for her comments on drafts of this article. For theethnographic information I have used here, I am especially indebted toNe' Baru, Ne' Kuli', Ne' Sulili, Ne' Nangko,Pong Guna, Ne' Bua' and, above all, Pong Babak and Ne'Dena. NOTES (1.) The Sa'dan Toraja number approximately 350,000 and areprimarily wet-rice farmers whose homeland comprises the administrativeregion (kabupaten) of Tana Toraja, located in the northern highlands ofSouth Sulawesi, Indonesia. (2.) At the time of my fieldwork, the community of Buntao' wasdivided into two 'villages' (desa), Buntao' (with apopulation of about 3,500) and Buntu Dengen (with about 4,000 people).According to local estimates, around thirty per cent of the populationstill adhered to the old religion. Apart from attending as many ritualceremonies as I could, my main sources of information were some of thetraditional ritual functionaries and an array of older people, known asgora-gara tongkon ('the ones who speak while seated') andtraditionally responsible for advising the ritual authorities. (3.) I never carried Out any formal interviews or surveys. My usualmethod concentrated on informal but lengthy discussions of the varioussacrifices as well as the collection of invocations and a few longerlitanies. My conversations' involved both members of aluk to doloand Christians -- indeed, some of the most knowledgeable people(including nearly all of the gora-gora tongkon) had converted toChristianity. In addition, as many of the local priests were of slavedescent, access to the 'truth' I am about to describe was notlimited by rank or status. (4.) The consecration which is effected through these'prayers' should not be seen as implying a distinction betweena 'sacred' and a 'profane' realm. As one of theanonymous reviewers rightly pointed out, the Sa'dan Toraja emphasison sumanga' (a kind of constantly creative energy which permeatesand animates the universe) makes this type of distinction impossible tomake (for a detailed discussion of sumanga' see Tsintjilonis 1999).By creating an explicit connection between a set of offerings and adeity or an ancestor (as soon as the appropriate 'words' havebeen uttered, the offerings 'belong' to them), a pangimbobrings to the fore the way in which humans, ancestors, and deitiesdepend on each other. Thus, rather than separating the world of thedeities and the ancestors from the world of the humans, it embeds theone in the other. (5.) My information about ritual and its over-riding importanceleaves one important question unanswered -- namely, during an epidemicor a war, was there a special rite which allowed the people ofBuntao' to dispose of To determine the fate of; to exercise the power of control over; to fix the condition, application, employment, etc. of; to direct or assign for a use.See also: Dispose their dead quickly? Elsewhere in Tana Toraja,as one of the anonymous reviewers noted, there is the ritual alternativeof didedekan pangkung bai ('the pigsty is struck') -- perhapspromising that the appropriate sacrifices will take place some time inthe future, the death priest strikes the deceased's pigsty threetimes with a piece of wood. In Buntao', however, 'the pigstyis struck' only for those who are so poor they cannot afford asingle sacrifice (cf. Nooy-Palm 1986:184). (6.) This differentiation does not belong to a distant past. Asmaternal blood carries the 'essence' of this material, eachnew birth replicates these distinctions. Thus, both the notion oftana' and the idea of 'truth' have retained theirsignificance. For instance, although slavery has been officiallyabolished, persons of slave descent find themselves in a situationsimilar to that encountered by Adams in the neighbouring territory ofKesu' -- they are still described as kaunan and are'frequently summoned to help carry provision to rituals, grindfreshly-roasted coffee beans, thresh thresh?v. threshed, thresh��ing, thresh��esv.tr.1. a. To beat the stems and husks of (grain or cereal plants) with a machine or flail to separate the grains or seeds from the straw. rice and assist with generalhousehold chores' (Adams 1988:57). They still depend on theirtraditional 'owners', but this dependence should be seen as aform of patronage involving access to jobs, cash loans, help with thecost of children's schooling, etc. (7.) Thus it is only buffaloes which can follow the shadow to theother world. In fact, quite apart from being followed by the animalsacrifices which make up a specific articulation, a shadow will alsotake a variety of other foodstuff - for example, rice and fish. Inaddition, there will always be something to drink on the way and aburning torch to keep warm when it gets there. (8.) Although there was some talk of headhunting having taken placearound the end of the Second World War, the last expedition seems tohave been organized over seventy years ago. However, even before theestablishment of Dutch administration in the Toraja highlands (1908), a'head' did not have to be a real head. Even then a kind ofbamboo (bulo) or a single fragment of an old skull (pakuli') couldbe used as a substitute. In this way, many of the rituals associatedwith the use of a head survived the prohibition of headhunting. For adetailed discussion of Toraja headhunting, see Tsintjilonis (2000). (9.) Like elsewhere in Tana Toraja, rather than through tana',one could become a slave through personal debts (see Nooy-Palm 1979:45).Depending on what his or her family could afford, any of the 'slavearticulations' I have described could be carried out for such akaunan. In this case, however, more sacrifices could be added laterthrough a version of ma'nene'. (10.) Homicide is the only type of sudden death which requiresspecial sacrificial offerings (cf. Tangdilintin 1975: 109-11). Ingeneral, such a death is seen as producing a kind of 'deepsorrow' (barata) which makes the world appear hazy and indistinct in��dis��tinct?adj.1. Not clearly or sharply delineated: an indistinct pattern; indistinct shapes in the gloom.2. Faint; dim: indistinct stars.3. plunging everyone into confusion. This sorrow can be dealt with onlythrough the articulation of aluk to nakande bassi ('the rites forthose eaten by iron'). In traditional terms, this ritual was veryclosely associated with war and headhunting and required both thecompletion of ma 'nene' and the taking of a human'head' (see Tsintjilonis 1993:263-8; cf. Nooy-Palm 1980). (11.) Trying to convert money earned through migration to theislands of Borneo and Irian Jaya Irian Jaya,province, Indonesia: see Papua. into 'truth', for instance,descendants of slaves are increasingly financing sacrificialarticulations traditionally belonging to 'true people'. That'new' money is being spent on 'old pursuits',however, may be seen as manifesting the lasting importance of thetraditional criteria. Of course, the possibility of outright rejectionis always there. However, during my time in Buntao', I never cameacross anyone who simply refused to take part in the'appropriate' sacrifices. Indeed, the problem was not paucityor reduction, but inflation. This inflation was accompanied by a war ofwords wherein different voices fought over access to'traditional' signs. 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