Corridors of power: a case study in access analysis from medieval England. (Method).

Corridors of power: a case study in access analysis from medieval England. (Method). Introduction In 1928, the author of The Growth of the English House, J.A. Gotch,gave us his view of the architectural liberation brought about by theend of the Middle Ages: 'The whole country blossomed out intobuildings that vied with each other in the cheerfulness of theiraspect' he enthused. By contrast, before this abrupt (and largelyunexplained) burst of architectural merriment, life 'must have beendull'. The lords, ladies and their minstrels who apparentlycomprised most of the population had halls which remained 'somewhatdismal', their living space cramped and inadequate, until theprogress of ideas prompted a growing desire for privacy manifested inthe subdivision of domestic space (Gotch 1928: 52-68). Gotch was aproduct of his time and culture, seeing standing remains, chieflycastles, as the evidence for his dank dank?adj. dank��er, dank��estDisagreeably damp or humid. See Synonyms at wet.[Middle English, probably of Scandinavian origin. medieval world, and architecturalchange as due to enlightened architects acting in a context provided byhistory. But there is another agenda which seeks to discover, free fromour own value judgements, the meaning that medieval buildings had forthose who used them. Among the scholars who have attempted to explainarchitectural change in terms of more than the 'progress ofideas' include Patrick Faulkener (1958), pioneer of spatialanalysis (Data West Research Agency definition: see GIS glossary.) Analytical techniques to determine the spatial distribution of a variable, the relationship between the spatial distribution of variables, and the association of the variables of an area. , Margaret Wood (1965), Graham Fairclough (1992), MatthewJohnson (1993, 1996), Roberta Gilchrist (1994) and Jane Grenville(1997). Many of their more challenging and influential studies have madeuse of the spatial analysis of interiors in order to configure medievalsociety and chart changes within it (e.g. Gilchrist 1990, 1994; Johnson1993, 1996). Such methods can reveal much about the configuration ofspace in the social formation of power relationships, as Grenville hassuggested, and it is proposed here that its more reasoned and systematicuse might answer her call for ways to 'decode' the signalsgiven out by medieval architecture Medieval architecture is a term used to represent various forms of architecture popular in Medieval Europe. Secular and religious architectureThe Latin cross plan, common in medieval ecclesiastical architecture, takes the Roman basilica as its primary model with as understood by contemporaries(Grenville 1997:106, 164-5). Among these spatial approaches, one of themost informative is access analysis. What is access analysis? Access analysis concerns the way that contemporary people movedabout a building, which in turn reveals where they invested their socialand ideological values. The relevant principles and procedures aretreated in a number of general works (for example Johnson 1993;Gilchrist 1994; Grenville 1997). In brief the analysis begins with aplan of the interior of the building to be studied, and the rooms andtheir access are then coded according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. a scheme of symbols such asthat shown in Figure 2. These symbols are then composed in a diagramwhich summarises the associations between rooms and the routes which arepossible, between them. The pattern which is created is interpreted interms of its characteristics of relative control or freedom. Thediagrams model the flow of people through the building and byimplication, the social relationships that control access. Examples ofthe patterns produced will be seen in the case study that follows. Twoforms are particularly diagnostic: the dendritic dendritic/den��drit��ic/ (den-drit��ik)1. branched like a tree.2. pertaining to or possessing dendrites.den��drit��icadj.Relating to the dendrites of nerve cells. or'tree-like' form implies that traffic is formally constructed;while the annular annular/an��nu��lar/ (an��u-ler) ring-shaped. an��nu��laradj.Shaped like or forming a ring.annularring-shaped. or 'ringy' form suggest more freedom ofmovement. 'Depth' is measured by the number of steps requiredfrom the outside (the 'carrier') to the innermost room, and a'deep' room may often be equated with something of high valueor status. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Previous studies in the spatial analysis of interiors are notnumerous and many are found within unpublished dissertations (e.g.Gilchrist 1990; Kitson 1997; Richardson 1998), papers in far-flungjournals, or buried within wider discussions, such as Fairclough'sdiachronic di��a��chron��icadj.Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. study of Edlingham Castle Edlingham Castle is a small castle ruin, having Scheduled Ancient Monument and Grade I listed building status, in the care of English Heritage, in a valley to the West of Alnwick, Northumberland, England (grid reference NU116092). , Northumberland (see Fairclough1992). A recent example is provided by Nicola Aravecchia (2001: 31-2)who has traced the trend for a less strong demand for privacy over timein fourth-ninth century AD hermitages in Lower Egypt Lower EgyptThe part of ancient Egypt comprising the Nile River delta. It was united with Upper Egypt c. 3100 b.c.Noun 1. consistent withdocumentary evidence A type of written proof that is offered at a trial to establish the existence or nonexistence of a fact that is in dispute.Letters, contracts, deeds, licenses, certificates, tickets, or other writings are documentary evidence. for a move toward semi-eremitism. Her diagramsmight usefully be placed alongside late medieval access analyses notingopposing trends in order to make statements about the nature of the'rise of privacy' and its links with ideology and identity. The hierarchy of use inside a high status building of the laterMiddle Ages is, of course, often informed by detailed documentaryevidence and it might be thought that access analysis can add little towhat is already known. John Steane (2001) acknowledges the centrality ofpatterns of access in constructing architectures of power--'accessto the head ... was carefully controlled ... [through] a siphoningprocess' comprised of systems of rooms and doors (ibid. 11) but hewarns against attempts to read them except 'in default of other[implicitly documentary] evidence' (ibid. 104). There is also anecessary caveat over the use of plans which may represent more than onephase. Clarendon Palace Clarendon Palace is an ancient ruin in Wiltshire, England.The palace was a royal residence during the Middle Ages. Roman TimesThere is evidence that the Romans used Clarendon Forest on a regular basis. (Wiltshire), for example, has been dubbed'a series of buildings strung together over a period of 200-300years with no apparent rhyme or reason' (Steane 2001: 103). But the'rhyme and reason' may have been more visible to contemporarythan to modern eyes. Since there is an almost universal pattern inmedieval royal palaces--first hall, then kings' apartments, withqueens' apartments behind, an element of tradition is clearlypresent (Richardson 1998: passim PASSIM - A simulation language based on Pascal.["PASSIM: A Discrete-Event Simulation Package for Pascal", D.H Uyeno et al, Simulation 35(6):183-190 (Dec 1980)]. ). Moreover, no amount of documentarystudy would uncover certain key spatial patterns which may carryprofound meaning. For example in royal palaces generally, queens'wardrobes were invariably in��var��i��a��ble?adj.Not changing or subject to change; constant.in��vari��a��bil the most permeable of their rooms and theirbedchambers the deepest, while for kings this was consistently reversed(Richardson 1998: 30, 59). Undoubtedly access analysis can founder without good documentaryevidence. But as Fairclough (1992: 351) points out, the writers ofmedieval documents did not set out to explain to us the inner workingsof their social organisation Noun 1. social organisation - the people in a society considered as a system organized by a characteristic pattern of relationships; "the social organization of England and America is very different"; "sociologists have studied the changing structure of the family" . Consequently written sources cannot begiven primacy in our interpretations. Moreover, if patterns of accessare employed more systematically alongside documentary and otherevidence, the prospect of a perspective integrating their respectivestrengths while eliminating their respective weaknesses will emerge. Inthe end, if Faulkener's planning analysis diagrams 'alteredour perception of the nature of medieval high status households' aslong ago as the 1950s (Fairclough 1992: 352) it seems only reasonable tokeep up the momentum. A case study--the Cathedral Close at Salisbury, England Salisbury was established in 1220 and quickly became the centralplace of medieval Wiltshire. Permission had been granted for a market in1219 and by 1297 it had supplanted Wilton as the venue for thecounty's forest eyres. By the late fourteenth-century it rankedsixth among English provincial towns (Lloyd 1984: 83; Grant 1959: 434;Steane 1984: 128). Its Cathedral was served by secular canons ratherthan monks and the diocese was not among the richest. At 750-1500[pounds sterling] per annum Per annumYearly. , income available was around 1000 [poundssterling] less than that of York and up to 2500 [pounds sterling] belowCanterbury and Winchester (Thompson 1998: 1-2). The Cathedral Close was a large estate lying inside the town(Figure 3). Its wall, nearly 4m high, was built in 1342 at a time ofincreased antagonism between city and cathedral and afforded protectionfrom its immediate, often hostile, neighbours (RCHME RCHME Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England (UK)1993: 8-9; Steane2001: 202, 204). Clearly there was spatial demarcation within the town,and The Close has been claimed as a distant precedent for the'garden suburbs' of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.Not surprisingly in a new city planned by its bishop, The Close,containing 83 of the City's 260 acres, was generous compared tocathedral precincts in pre-existing towns (RCHME 1993: 7; Lloyd 1984,83). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] In the study which follows, buildings from three different contextsare analysed: the Bishop's Palace and 29, The Close (a Canon'shouse) which lay inside the Close, and 47-49 New Canal which lay outsideit and within the town. The Bishop's Palace lay to the south of thecathedral and its grounds were so arranged that the Bishop had a privatedoorway into the cloisters, in addition to the only private entranceinto The Close (RCHME 1993: 53, 54). This was common in secular closesand may reflect a desire to circumvent the jurisdiction of the dean andchapter which was the dominant authority within The Close. Thompsonnotes (1998: 33) that although an eastern position might sometimes befavoured, the ideal location for secular bishops (occupied here,significantly, by the Deanery and its immediate neighbours) was facing acathedral's west end. The houses of the canons (members of theChapter) surrounded the cathedral on its other three sides. Number 29The Close, probably originally a minor canonry can��on��ry?n. pl. can��on��ries1. The office or dignity of a canon.2. Canons considered as a group. , lay in the most crampedarea of the site to the north, which seems to be a continuation of thegrids or 'chequers' which made up the city proper. Thecomposition of the Close thus exhibits spatial manifestations of rankand reflects the division, despite the ideal of communal life, betweenwealthy clergy wishing to live in the Close and dispense hospitality andthose who had not the means to do so (RCHME 1993: 8). The town house,47-49 New Canal, which lies near the Close to the north was theresidence of two successive fourteenth-century mayors (RCHME 1980:100). The Bishop's palace The Bishop's Palace was built originally in 1225 probablyunder the Salisbury canon Elias de Dereham, who also oversaw theextensive building works at nearby Clarendon Palace (RCHME 1993: 60),and extended by Bishop Beauchamp in the fifteenth-century. Accessanalysis has been undertaken for both the thirteenth and thefifteenth-century phases, and comparisons are drawn between them. Thethirteenth-century hall (Figure 4) offered an ease of access concomitantwith the hospitality traditionally inherent in the Bishop's office.Key spatial and social divisions are revealed in two distinct branches,one leading to the Bishop's apartments, the other to more publicareas. This dendritic pattern denotes control of movement through spaceand a relatively hierarchical society. There is no 'ringiness'denoting multiple points of access and associated with a perceived needto 'hide' servants. [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] The possession of a parlour at such an early date--documentaryreferences to London 'parlours' begin in themid-fourteenth-century (Schofield 1994: 66)--denotes a shift away fromthe hall, already losing its centralising functions. Buried deep withinthe complex, as it invariably was, the parlour may reveal a nascentdesire for privacy evident also in contemporary royal palaces (Schofield1994: 67; Richardson 1998: 18, 21-2). Like the king, bishops had largehouseholds and were expected to give hospitality to the highestpersonages--36 canons and two Archbishops were entertained on thepremises for a week in 1225 alone (RCHME 1993: 7). More detailed interpretation is limited by our ability to identifythe rooms. Before the sixteenth-century it is hard to discern any fixedvocabulary relating to relating torelate prep → concernantrelating torelate prep → bez��glich +gen, mit Bezug auf +accroom function, especially of those most private(Grenville 1997: 9-10). Here, though, the 'parlour' is one ofthe most private areas and we might expect the higher echelons--kings,queens and bishops--to require a degree of seclusion seclusionForensic psychiatry A strategy for managing disturbed and violent Pts in psychiatric units, which consists of supervised confinement of a Pt to a room–ie, involuntary isolation, to protect others from harm even in thethirteenth-century. However, although parlours were invariably locatedfurthest from the street in terms of access (Schofield 1994: 93) how farthis actually denotes a desire for privacy rather than merely reflectingthe concept's centrality to modern concerns is debatable. Privacyin the modern, absolute sense--a development of the seventeenth-centuryonwards--seems anyway to have been low in people's needs throughoutthe Middle Ages (Woolgar 1999: 197; Grenville 1997: 107; Quiney 1990:93). Thompson's recent reading of the solar as the original hallfurther complicates the picture (1998: 53-4). Nevertheless, it isevident from Henry III's donations and the involvement of theClarendon Palace architects that many of the early buildings in TheClose did draw from Royal architecture. The diagram of the fifteenth-century Bishops' Palace (Figure5) reveals a very slight increase in ringiness and perhaps this lessformal pattern is a feature of the highest status ecclesiasticalresidences. The placing of the hall in relation to the Bishop'sprivate apartments has altered: visitors would have had to pass throughthe hall in order to reach them. In this way it maintains thecentralising properties noted by Johnson (1993: 56) within a buildingincreasingly segregated along lines of rank. The parlour, now part of anaxis, is no longer the isolated area it was, perhaps prompting a needfor additional private rooms. Bishop Beauchamp, who built thefifteenth-century palace, was a member of the Order of the Garter and itis likely that late medieval chivalry chivalry(shĭv`əlrē), system of ethical ideals that arose from feudalism and had its highest development in the 12th and 13th cent. was a major factor in theheightened ceremonial function of higher-status late medieval halls(Steane 1984: 196). This is evidenced also by the monumentallyproportioned tower-porch (Figure 1) built onto the Bishop's Hall,which would have informed the perceptions of visitors on entering, andsimultaneously placed the building one step back from the carrier interms of access. [FIGURES 1 & 5 OMITTED] The idea of a long decline of the hall through the later MiddleAges has recently been challenged and at around 88 x 38 feet, BishopBeauchamp's was among the largest halls ever built (RCHME 1993:54). Evidence indicates that formal feasting remained a significant partof late medieval etiquette and even in the sixteenth-century new hallswere built on a scale grander than ever. As Grenville (1997:106-7) hasnoted, 'it remains to future researchers to generate the'interactive route planners' that detailed spatial studiescould provide', and it may be that patterns of access, divorcedfrom aesthetic and literary evidence, can add further layers to ourunderstanding of its sudden demise at this time. It must be significantthat Henry VIII'S hall at Hampton Court, the 'last major royalstatement of [the hall's] importance', was bypassed entirelyby the ceremonial route to the king's chambers (Grenville 1997:114;Thurley 1993:114). A pattern that certainly develops through the later Middle Ages isthe ceremonial route to principal chambers--termed by Fairclough the'axis of honour'. At Salisbury, the siting of thefifteenth-century hall has transformed the route to the bishop'sapartments into such an axis, a tree-like route through a succession ofrooms intended to filter out all but those of the highest rankassociated almost exclusively with regulation of access according tomale status (Fairclough 1992: 355; Gilchrist 1999: 122). Axes of honourare a prime example of the way in which architecture reflects socialchange (compare the earlier Bishop's Palace), while reinforcing thestatus and identity of different groups. This was seclusion as a mark ofstatus rather than of modesty (Woolgar 1999: 50). The rank of thoseallowed to proceed along the axis to the bishop's private quarterswas enhanced, whilst his pre-eminence in both Episcopal and noblesociety was emphasised. A Canons house: 29, The Close Number 29 The Close, a very different building to the palace, alsoexperienced a change of plan in the fifteenth-century. In thefourteenth-century it was entered through its screens passage, where thetraffic was sorted; the route led to the great chamber with two ringsencompassing the kitchen and pantry on the one hand and the hall studyand oratory on the other (Figure 6A). In access analysis terms, thehouse is eight steps deep, reflecting perhaps the number of occupants,its status as a non-familial, single-sex establishment and therequirements of privacy relating to areas like the study/oratory. Thislatter is the deepest area of the house via both the 'publicroute' and the service area, suggesting that only the canons orprivileged guests would have used the entrance from the hall to gainaccess to the oratory. The house has a large number of transitionalspaces which can function as mechanisms of privacy as well as access.Aravecchia notes an increase in vestibules and doors used to facilitateincreased seclusion in hermitages, as does Thurley in his discussion ofthe gallery and closet plan in Tudor palaces (Aravecchia 2001: 30, 32;Thurley 1993: 125-7). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] In the fifteenth-century (Figure 6B) rooms were gained by insertinga floor in the open hall, and transforming the old, standard buttery andpantry into a parlour (RCHME 1993: 139). Unusually, the parlour is farfrom the deepest area, although significantly the service rooms havebeen considered dispensable dis��pen��sa��bleadj.Capable of being dispensed, administered, or distributed. Used of a drug. enough to make way for it. Perhaps improvedcooking facilities in the kitchens had deprived the old hall and serviceof their centralising functions. Johnson (1993: 137) has suggested thatincreased distinction between service and domestic areas describes thebreakdown of the day-to-day interdependence of the patriarchalcommunity, both heralding and reflecting a conceptual division betweenservants and those served. However, here the abandonment of the serviceand relative permeability In multiphase flow in porous media, relative permeability is a dimensionless measure of the effective permeability of each phase. It can be viewed as an adaptation of Darcy's law to multiphase flow. of the parlour might equally have resultedfrom spatial constraints. Either way, the transformational grammar ofnumber 29 (thus also its arguably monumental social catalysts) are atbest poorly reflected by the diagrams, whose routes of access have beenlittle affected. But this in itself may be significant. Johnson (1993:139) notes that deviance from standard medieval plans at first madelittle difference to patterns of access and Quiney (1990: 93) haspointed out that changes in spatial organisation during thefifteenth-century played havoc with any 'gain' to privacy. A town house: 47-49 New Canal 47-9 New Canal lies in the city proper (Figure 7) and its diagramis more shallow and ringy. It is only five steps deep from thecarrier--consistent with Schofield's assertion (1993: 93) that thehouses of prosperous merchants were often arranged to exhibit anemphasis on trade and the street. As in 29 The Close, the hall is threearchitectural steps deep, although at New Canal this is due to theplacing of the carriage through-way below the cross-wing, perhaps anecessity in the more cramped city outside the Close. [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Schofield (1994: 34, 60) has noted the courtyard as acharacteristic of affluent ecclesiastics ECCLESIASTICS, canon law. Those persons who compose the hierarchical state of the church. They are regular and secular. Aso & Man. Inst. B. 2, t. 5, c. 4, Sec. 1. and the merchant community inLondon. The New Canal house's courtyard may reflect a habitus habitus/hab��i��tus/ (hab��i-tus) [L.]1. attitude (2).2. physique.hab��i��tusn. pl. shared throughout commercial society. Although courtyard houses are lesscommon in English urban settings than in mainland Europe, many Salisburymerchants--like those in London--lived in courtyard houses, their hallscomparable in size with the grander canonries in the Close (RCHME 1993:xliv). And in nearby Winchester, both the early fourteenth-century houseof John de Tytynge, a wealthy wool-merchant, and the fifteenth-centurydwelling of John Newman John Newman can refer to: John Newman, assassinated Australian politician. John Newman, a member of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. John Newman, the professional ice hockey player. , a less affluent fuller, were designed tocourtyard plans (Morris et al 1988: 102-04). Fullers' implements,considered a nuisance, were ordered to be removed from the streets inthirteenth-century London (Schofield 1994: 87), and it is notinconceivable that the need to withdraw industrial equipment fromfrontage areas led to the emphasis on courtyards in commercialcomplexes. Conclusion The diagram of the thirteenth-century Bishop's Palace isdissimilar to contemporary royal residences but certain features wereshared. By the fifteenth century it had much more in common with royaland seigneurial seign��eur?n.1. A man of rank, especially a feudal lord in the ancien r��gime.2. In Canada, a man who owned a large estate originally held by a feudal grant from the king of France.3. counterparts, including its axes of honour, the sitingof its hall and the slight increase in ringiness, reflecting the socialpre-eminence of the Bishop and perhaps changed attitudes to servantsrespectively. An increase in private space was also observed in 29 TheClose. The house on New Canal was comparatively 'shallow',reflecting different social and commercial requirements as regardsprivacy, but also dimensional constraints and identification with thestreet frontage. New Canal's courtyard perhaps reflects a sharedsocial identity within commercial society, while its lack in number 29may have represented social demarcation within the religiouscommunity--in the wider world as well as within its more immediatetopographical setting. Such observations can be noted adequately withoutdiagrams, but the access patterns can highlight them at a glance. Overwhelmingly, the access diagrams of the fourteenth- andfifteenth-century palaces, Episcopal and royal, appear to show thearchitectural manifestation of a hegemonic masculinity--or at least anaspiration to values shared throughout seigneurial society--consistentwith Thompson's findings. Although later medieval bishops'residences exhibited more internal divisions than those of noblemen,they generally tended to follow the same pattern, for example in themultiplication of rooms which induced, in tandem, a heightened emphasison social distance within more compact environments (Thompson 1998: 157;Woolgar 1999: 197). The rarely articulated issue of decline in itinerancy i��tin��er��an��cy? also i��tin��er��a��cyn. pl. i��tin��er��an��ciesA state or system of itinerating, especially in the role or office of public speaker, minister, or judge. as amotivation for late fourteenth-century domestic and social developments(Woolgar 1999 is an exception) cannot entirely stand up in the case ofcathedral palaces. Although Episcopal itinerancy declined, bishopsnecessarily continued to tour their sees and where their households didbecome more rooted, it was at their rural manor houses. Instead, anaspiration to shared identity with noble society appears to have beenthe overriding factor. This merits further study, putting emphasis onthe place of architecture in the formation of identities. The'trickle down' theory is too simplistic sim��plism?n.The tendency to oversimplify an issue or a problem by ignoring complexities or complications.[French simplisme, from simple, simple, from Old French; see simple where influencesappear more horizontal than vertical. A final comment from beyond Salisbury may help to set an agenda forthe future. York's Vicars Choral held an estate of considerablesize in that city, and one of their holdings, Cam Hall, has been thesubject of valuable interdisciplinary research. Grenville has expressedhopes that the use of access analysis may lead to recognition of a'vicars choral house style' which would have been read andunderstood by contemporaries (Grenville 1997: 164-5). Such sentimentslie behind the present brief review, which so far has only presented, inGrenville's words, a 'bland tourist map' (above).Nevertheless, we have already been able to draw conclusions which do notdepend on knowledge of architectural embellishment and thus will haveapplication in those many archaeological situations where onlyfoundations survive. Access analysis of buildings in the Salisbury Closehas hinted at greater understanding of the way various identities arereflected in architectural space. Its potential for measuring hiddensocial properties in buildings should encourage its employment in latemedieval archaeological and architectural literature. Received: 27 October 2001; revised: 11 March 2002; accepted: 11February 2003 References ARAVECCHIA, N. 2001. Hermitages and spatial analysis: use of spaceat the Kellia, in S. 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Amanda Richardson, King Alfred's College, Winchester SO22 4NRUK