Considerations of the sambaquis of the Brazilian coast.

Considerations of the sambaquis of the Brazilian coast. Sambaqui is the name given to a certain type of archaeologicalevidence left by fisher/hunter/gatherer groups who inhabited largeexpanses of the Brazilian coast. The word is of Tupi etymology etymology(ĕtĭmŏl`əjē), branch of linguistics that investigates the history, development, and origin of words. It was this study that chiefly revealed the regular relations of sounds in the Indo-European languages (as described , tambameaning shellfish shellfish,popular name for certain edible mollusks (see Mollusca), e.g., oysters, clams, and scallops, and for certain edible crustaceans, e.g., crabs, lobsters, and shrimps. All are aquatic invertebrates with shells; they are not fish. and ki a piling-up (Prous 1991: 204). The Tupi were ahorticultural/potter group who lived on the Brazilian coast at the timeof the first European arrivals; they coined the term which describes themain characteristic of the sites - the accumulation of great quantitiesof mollusc molluscmembers of the phylum Mollusca, which comprises about 50,000 species. Includes snails, slugs and the aquatic molluscs��oysters, mussels, clams, cockles, arkshells, scallop, abalone, cuttlefish, squid. shells [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED].The sambaquis are made up of faunal remains such as shells and fishbones related to the diet of their builders. Whole arefacts (bonearrowheads, perforated teeth, polished stone axe-blades, hammers andmanes manes(mā`nēz), in Roman religion, spirits of the dead. Originally, they were called di manes, a collective divinity of the dead. Manes could also refer to the realm of the dead and, later, to the individual souls of the dead. , grinders, stone flakes, shell scrapers), remains from themanufacture of artefacts (cut bones, quartz flakes) and fragments ofused objects are also found in them. There are numerous burials, hearthsand occasional habitation HABITATION, civil law. It was the right of a person to live in the house of another without prejudice to the property. 2. It differed from a usufruct in this, that the usufructuary might have applied the house to any purpose, as, a store or manufactory; whereas structures. The layers of shells are manytimes composed of different species of molluscs, and charcoal from thehearths and burials mix in the stratigraphy stratigraphy,branch of geology specifically concerned with the arrangement of layered rocks (see stratification). Stratigraphy is based on the law of superposition, which states that in a normal sequence of rock layers the youngest is on top and the oldest on the to form a complex mosaic.The sambaquis have often been considered as places for habitation and asburial grounds, because of the presence of these different elements.Scientific research on the sambaquisThe site logs filed in the Institute de Patrimonio Historico Nacionalreport the existence of 958 sambaquis. This is certainly a very lownumber when we consider the great number of sites that must have existedalong the Brazilian coast. Large coastal cities such as Rio de Janeiroand Salvador used lime burnt from the shells of the sambaquis forcolonial buildings. The growth of cities, especially along the coast,completed the total destruction of what remained of many sites.Sambaquis can be found along a significant stretch of the Braziliancoast-line - from the state of Rio Grande do Sul Rio Grande do Sul(rē` grän`dĭ th s to Bahia and fromMaranhao to Para state - but the small number of sites researched in thenorth and northeastern regions makes it impossible to include them inthis analysis. The very existence of this complex of sites in the northof the country brings up interesting questions; despite a spatialdiscontinuity dis��con��ti��nu��i��ty?n. pl. dis��con��ti��nu��i��ties1. Lack of continuity, logical sequence, or cohesion.2. A break or gap.3. Geology A surface at which seismic wave velocities change. (the non-existence of sites between the coast of Bahia andMaranhao) pottery is found in the sites and they are considered tobelong to the same archaeological tradition (Simoes 1981).Radiocarbon datings indicate that the more ancient sites are to befound in the state of Parana - Ramal ramal/ra��mal/ (ra��m'l) pertaining to a ramus. ra��maladj.Of or relating to a ramus.ramalpertaining to a ramus. sambaqui, 6540[+ or -]105 (Rauth1971) and Porto Mauricio 6030[+ or -]130 years b.p. (Rauth 1971) - andthat from this point the sambaqui builders would have followed tworoutes of migration along the coast, one to the south and the other tothe north (Schmitz 1981). There has been no systematic research relatedto initial occupation of the coast, and it is considered that the moreancient sites were probably destroyed In air operations, a damage assessment on an enemy aircraft seen to break off combat in circumstances which lead to the conclusion that it must be a loss although it is not actually seen to crash. by the fluctuation in sea levels.Nor there are studies of the period when the sambaquis stopped beingbuilt; a probable cause Apparent facts discovered through logical inquiry that would lead a reasonably intelligent and prudent person to believe that an accused person has committed a crime, thereby warranting his or her prosecution, or that a Cause of Action has accrued, justifying a civil lawsuit. may have been the expansion ofhorticultural/potter groups that began to settle along the coast aroundthe beginning of the Christian era Christian eran.The period beginning with the birth of Jesus.Christian EraNounthe period beginning with the year of Christ's birthNoun 1. .The sambaqui is the site most studied by Brazilian archaeologists: 91works on them have been published, and 231 radiocarbon dates areavailable for a total of 121 sites. Many advances have been made in thestudy of dietary remains and artefacts, of the spatial distribution ofthe sites and of the biological characteristics of the population, amongother topics. As we are speaking of a great number of sites, spread overa large region and distributed over a wide interval of time, thedifferent characteristics pertaining to different sites are probablyrelated to temporal and regional variations. This has led to manytheories regarding the relations between the different sites, and todifferent denominations - 'sambaqui sensu stricto','dirty sambaquis', 'gathering camps', 'Macaephase/tradition', 'Itaipu tradition', 'phases A andB', etc. These categories were created in attempting to order theparticularities found in the composition of sites, especially concerningthe relation between the quantity of shells and other remains.The most ample interpretation is based on cultural ecology Cultural ecology is ecology including humans. It studies the relationship between a given society and its natural environment - the life-forms and ecosystems that support its lifeways. ,especially the branch led by Betty Meggers Betty J. Meggers (b. December 5, 1921) is an American archaeologist who specializes in pre-Columbian cultures. Her field research has centered on Central and South America, especially Ecuador and Amazonian Brazil. and Clifford Evans, which hashad great influence on the study of Brazilian prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to (Gaspar 1991),with cultural evolution related to environmental change. An ordering ofthe sites was proposed, based on the study of faunal remains, whichindicate that initially the gathering of molluscs predominated; latermore intensive fishing substituted for it.This interpretative in��ter��pre��ta��tive?adj.Variant of interpretive.in��terpre��ta frame was based on a theory shared by the manysambaqui researchers who consider that the faunal remains that make upthe site reflect the diet of the population. It is from this perspectiveand by detailed study of the faunal remains that the sites have beenordered along an evolutionary scale, from mollusc gathering to fishing(Dias 1969; Mendonca de Souza De Souza or D'Souza is a common Portuguese family name. Although it is still quite common outside Portugal -- especially in Brazil and India --, Souza is the old spelling of present-day Sousa. & Mendonca de Souza 1981/82; Perota1974; Lima 1991).There are many problems involved with small excavations at very bigsites which have such a complex stratigraphy as the sambaquis,especially when it comes to the composition of faunal remains (as notedby Gaspar et al. 1994). Small surveys have no explanatory value foridentifying different activity zones such as the preferential burialareas (Carvalho 1984), areas of habitation (Orssich 1960; Carvalho 1984;Barbosa et al. 1995) or areas for the preparation of food (Bryan 1993),unless they can be related to the site as a whole. This'whole' has never undergone systematic study; only tentativemodels exist, which try to suggest the organization of internal spaceand the growth processes of the sites (Orssich 1960; Tiburtius 1966;Blasi & Hurt 1966; Gaspar 1991; Prous 1991; Gaspar & De Blasis1992). From analysis of stratigraphy, of the composition of layers andof the orientation of these layers to the site horizontal or inclined -the existence of differentiated spaces was suggested: a central area wasconsidered as a space for habitation and the peripheral area as a zonefor the disposal of food remains (Barbosa & Gaspar in press).Studies of the construction of sambaquis on slopes emphasize that theaccumulation of faunal remains was associated with the enlarging of anexisting plateau (Bryan 1993; Tenorio 1996).Studies have related the real quantity of food to the faunal remains,not just quantified these remains; these have already shown that fishingwas important ever since the initial occupation of the sambaquis of SaoPaulo state (Figuti 1992; 1993; 1994). Recent research has shown thatfaunal remains are not exclusively related to the disposal of foodresidues; for this reason they cannot be directly linked to diet. Afonso& De Blasis (1994) identified a thick layer of Anomalocardiabrasiliana at the flooded base of the Espinheiros II sambaqui in SantaCatarina. The almost exclusive preponderance of this mollusc species andpreserved organic material (plant fibres) indicate a rapid accumulationof the shells and suggest that these faunal remains were used asconstruction material for the building of a dry platform in the middleof the mangrove mangrove,large tropical evergreen tree, genus Rhizophora, that grows on muddy tidal flats and along protected ocean shorelines. Mangroves are most abundant in tropical Asia, Africa, and the islands of the SW Pacific. swamp. Fish et al. (in press), analysing thestratigraphy of the Jabuticabeira II sambaqui, associated layers offaunal remains that cover burials to funeral rituals, a practice alsoobserved by Tenorio (1996) at the Ilhote do Leste sambaqui in Rio deJaneiro.Prous (1991), in his exhaustive work on coastal sites, touched on thetheme of social units. He categorizes the sites where the predominantmatrix is formed by shells as 'sambaquis sensu stricto' andthose where lenses of shells are found in a matrix composed of mineralelements as 'gathering camps' (1991: 272). A question thatcomes up through his whole research is the existence of a 'sambaquiculture' (1991: 259), He considers the more ancient meridional me��rid��i��o��naladj.Of or relating to meridians or a meridian. 'camps' to be 'an accident in the adaptation of thesambaqui culture'. His study of the few existing radiocarbondatings indicate that these camps were inhabited 4000 years ago; theywould be contemporaneous con��tem��po��ra��ne��ous?adj.Originating, existing, or happening during the same period of time: the contemporaneous reigns of two monarchs.See Synonyms at contemporary. with the sambaquis.The increase in research points to a complex process of settlement ofthe coast, which only now begins to be investigated. Questionspertaining to the social unity of these sites have been brought upnumerous times, but there still are no interpretations which join thelarge quantity of information available and which at the same time orderthe similarities and the particularities of the sites distributed alongthe Brazilian coast.Social unityWe have dedicated ourselves, for some time, to the study of thecultural unit that seems to be represented by the sambaquis (Gasper gasp��er?n. Chiefly British SlangA cigarette. 1994) basing our work on the ideas of Marcel Mauss Marcel Mauss (May 10, 1872 – February 10, 1950) was a French sociologist best known for his role in elaborating on and securing the legacy of his uncle ��mile Durkheim and the Ann��e Sociologique. (1971) in his studyof the Eskimo. Mauss, analysing this society, masterfully separatedregional variations from recurring aspects; he was thus able to evidencethe social unity of tribes dispersed over an immense area, over 22[degrees] latitude and almost 60 [degrees] longitude. The author,dealing with a living society, could use aspects such as race, languageand collective name to recognize a 'collective individuality'(Mauss 1971: 238). But his study is not based on the above-mentionedaspects. Centred on social morphology, it deals with 'the materialsubtract of societies, that is, the forms that societies assume whenthey establish themselves on the ground, the volume and the density ofthe population, as well as the set of things by which collective lifepresents itself' (Mauss 1974: 237). This way he analyses the Eskimoway of life in winter and summer, and along the way he identifies thekey elements that characterize the idiosyncrasy idiosyncrasy/id��io��syn��cra��sy/ (-sing��krah-se)1. a habit peculiar to an individual.2. an abnormal susceptibility to an agent (e.g., a drug) peculiar to an individual. of this population.Mauss defines the constant social unit, the settlement. He analyseshow it distributes itself over the territory, its size, what theproportions are of the diverse elements (sex, age, civil status) thatcompose it. He characterizes the summer tent and the winter house, andhe marks how the relation between the family and the tent is so straightthat one structure is modelled on the other. When referring to theimportance of the mode of habitation, he discards all practical purposesor environmental restrictions: where wood is abundant it is made oflogs; where there is no wood it is made of whale bones; where there isonly snow it is made of ice; where none of this exists it is made fromstone. But these are variations of only one fundamental type of house,and there is no doubt that the contributing factor to all thesevariations is the diverse nature of the materials available to theEskimo in the different regions. But, in spite of these environmentalrestrictions, the orientation of the internal space is always maintained(Mauss 1974: 270-73).The simple explanation is that a 'common house, partiallysubterranean, would preserve the heat better, and that a certain numberof inhabitants :This article is about the video game. For Inhabitants of housing, see Residency Inhabitants is an independently developed commercial puzzle game created by S+F Software. DetailsThe game is based loosely on the concepts from SameGame. under same roof would be enough to elevate thetemperature, that the agglomeration ag��glom��er��a��tion?n.1. The act or process of gathering into a mass.2. A confused or jumbled mass: of various families would save fuel. . . they see . . . in this organization, simply a way to fight againstthe cold'. Mauss states as a counterpoint counterpoint,in music, the art of combining melodies each of which is independent though forming part of a homogeneous texture. The term derives from the Latin for "point against point," meaning note against note in referring to the notation of plainsong. that, firstly, it is nottrue that the Eskimo inhabit the coldest regions of the world; many livein relatively temperate zones. Secondly, 'in higher latitudes andin rougher continental climates than the neighboring neigh��bor?n.1. One who lives near or next to another.2. A person, place, or thing adjacent to or located near another.3. A fellow human.4. Used as a form of familiar address.v. Eskimo who live onthe coast, live indians of the interior of Labrador, the mountain folk,the Cree from the Barren Lands, the indians from the Alaskan forestslive in tents all year round, not only is their tent similar in shape tothe Eskimo, with same opening at the top, to let the smoke that theEskimo do not have out, makes it much less efficient against cold, evenin the summer'. This proves to the author that the mode ofhabitation is part of the idiosyncrasy of Eskimo societies (Mauss 1974:288-9).The same occurs with the recurrent use of lamps: each tent has oneand only one; its use is obligatory, perhaps because it is intimatelylinked to the essential element of the family the conjugal Pertaining or relating to marriage; suitable or applicable to married people.Conjugal rights are those that are considered to be part and parcel of the state of matrimony, such as love, sex, companionship, and support. couple.'Some Alaskan tribes whose winter settlements are closer to theforests than to the seal hunting Sealing redirects here; for other uses, see sealing (disambiguation).Seal hunting or sealing is the personal or commercial hunting of seals. areas, instead of building wood housesand making an opening in the ceiling to let out the smoke, prefer tobuy, and at a high price... the oil for their lamps' (Mauss 1974:288-9). In spite of there being other alternatives and despite theclimate, the Eskimo refuse to adopt another way of living and anothermanner of obtaining light, even though in some situations they have topay high prices for fuel.These two elements - the ordering of the internal space and theutilization of lamps - are here chosen from Mauss' study not onlybecause of their importance in Eskimo social life; they have thatmaterial quality making it possible to apply them to archaeology.Mauss' work shows that, in reality, a series of articulatedelements - implantation implantation/im��plan��ta��tion/ (im?plan-ta��shun)1. attachment of the blastocyst to the epithelial lining of the uterus, its penetration through the epithelium, and, in humans, its embedding in the stratum compactum of the , population density, the composition of sex andcivil status, the composition of the pyramid of ages, seasonal settling,the utilization of two types of habitation, etc. - is what makes anEskimo feel like and identify himself as an Eskimo.We will see how Mauss' teachings can help us think about theprehistoric occupation of Brazilian coastal regions. It is not easy todetermine whether sites belong to a determined prehistoric group or not.We have no live human beings to tell us whether they define themselvesas this or that social unit.The nature of the archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. is such that one necessarilyworks with markers that - filtered through natural and culturalprocesses - nevertheless allow us to establish social frontiers.Delimiting a 'collective individuality' is a task for thearchaeologist, who must identify its defining traces. This delimitationgains consistency when contrasted with other sets of contemporaneousevidence.We have looked for recurrent traces when analysing the publishedinformation, traces that could maintain a reasonable independence fromenvironmental pressure, so often used to explain and justify what isconsidered to indication of social change (e.g. Hurt 1974).We are aware that natural forces left their mark on the sambaqui wayof life through regional and temporal specificities. At the same time,recurrent traces are shared by a significant number of sites thesambaqui builders left. These recurrent traces stand out if we focus onthe ordering of internal spaces in the sites.In analysing the entities established for Brazilian prehistory byProus (1991), we see that none of those identified (phases, traditions)present spatial associations for habitation, burials and the loci loci[L.] plural of locus.lociPlural of locus, see there foraccumulation of faunal remains and artefacts. Yet the accumulation offaunal remains which characterize the sambaquis involves a significantquantity of material which, in some cases, forms mounds 30 m high;resulting from intense social labour this made the distinctivemorphology of these archaeological sites, whose volume stands out in thelandscape [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED].The funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner ritual, in its turn, involved intense manipulation ofhuman skeletons. There are single and multiple burials, and the bodieswere interred in diverse positions. Older graves were reopened, andbones or parts of the skeletons were removed to be reburied during othermortuary episodes. Body parts were interred separately, and human bonessuffered intervention (perforated teeth, sectioned long bones, etc.).There seem to have been secondary burials, opening and closing of gravesand a reordering re��or��der?v. re��or��dered, re��or��der��ing, re��or��dersv.tr.1. To order (the same goods) again.2. To straighten out or put in order again.3. To rearrange.v. of bones according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. criteria that have not as yetbeen established.We chose, after our analysis, the spatial association of these threedomains - habitation, death, the accumulation of faunal remains andobjects - as elements characterizing the people of thesambaquis"collective individuality'. The choice of theseelements allows both a wider view of the phenomenon and a structuringaxis by which to systematize sys��tem��a��tize?tr.v. sys��tem��a��tized, sys��tem��a��tiz��ing, sys��tem��a��tiz��esTo formulate into or reduce to a system: "The aim of science is surely to amass and systematize knowledge"existing information from discrete studieswhich touch on such disparate themes as diet, industry or morphologicalaspects of the population. We base ourselves on Mauss' work becausehis study, also working with a very large region, is able to filter downpersistent and fundamental aspects of Eskimo society, despite regionaldifferences.Mauss creates a framework which permits him to characterize the'collective individuality' and, consequently, to establishlimits in relation to other societies. We consider that the habit ofaccumulating materials related to food, artefacts and industrialresidue, of living on top of them and burying their dead in the sameplace is a material expression of a system of rules which makes sense tothis social unit.This analytical perspective has important consequences tounderstanding the settling the Brazilian coast by the people ofsambaquis. It means abandoning the view shared by most researchers thatthe differences noted correspond to distinct social realities - for noresearch explains the coexistence during the same period and in the sameregion of these distinct social realities.This perspective agrees with the view that culture is essentiallydynamic and perpetually under elaboration (Carneiro da Cunha 1986: 116),susceptible to influences resulting from the very process of developmentof the socio-cultural system, from contact with other social groups, andfrom constant adaptation to the environment. We do not think - giventhese views - that the specificities pointed out by researchers areevidences of different social realities, for we consider that diversityfound inside the 'collective individuality' is pertinent.Synthesis of published and site-file informationBy studying the published information and systematizing the data insite records we seek to delimit de��lim��it? also de��lim��i��tatetr.v. de��lim��it��ed also de��lim��i��tat��ed, de��lim��it��ing also de��lim��i��tat��ing, de��lim��its also de��lim��i��tatesTo establish the limits or boundaries of; demarcate. a social unit, a unit which can beidentified by the construction of a differentiated space, which by itsvolume stands out in the landscape, and which is composed of faunalremains, and also a place of burial and with evidence of habitation.The bibliographic study leads us to suggest that in the sambaquithere occurred the spatial association of three important domains ofdaily life. It was at the same time a space for habitation, a place forthe dead, and an accumulation of material related to the builders'diet. The particular space resulting from the accumulation of organicmaterial surely has implications in what refers to the construction of aplace of habitation. Other available materials could have been utilized;the choice fell on materials intrinsically related to the food consumed.Taking that triple spatial association as characterizing this type ofsite, we have investigated its occurrence in different periods andregions along the Brazilian coast. The occurrence of an accumulation offaunal remains and of the utilization of this space as a burial ground Burial GroundAceldamapotter’s field; burial place for strangers. [N. T.: Matthew 27:6–10, Acts 1:18–19]Alloway graveyardwhere Tam O’Shanter saw witches dancing among opened coffins. [Br. Lit. is easy to recognize from published records. Identifying the use of thesambaqui as a living space requires further inferences; it seems toafford a way to understand the regional characteristics of this type ofsettlement.Sambaqui, a locus of accumulation of materials related to eatingThe sites have as their main characteristic a great quantity ofmollusc valves and fish bones. In the initial stages of Brazilianarchaeology this characteristic struck researchers: some thought theywere a result of natural phenomena - 'a natural accumulation ofdead shells in places once occupied by the sea' (Prous 1991: 8);others thought they resulted from cultural activities. These largeamounts of food residues still awaken interest, and the process of thesites' construction is studied in attempting to understand thesystem of social rules that ordered the sambaquis (Gaspar & DeBlassis 1992; Kloker & Figuti 1996; Fish et al. in press).We believe that no practical explanation can account for the habit ofaccumulating faunal remains. If the habit had been associated only withbuilding up the land in flood areas, this could not explain itscontinuing once a dry platform had been obtained, nor this habitrecurring even in areas protected from the water, such as on slopes.What we emphasize is the amassing of such great amounts of faunalremains related to food - be they predominantly shells or also includingfish bones - as the marked characteristic of the sambaquis.Sambaqui, a locus for the deadThe site records pertaining to the sambaquis refer to the presence ofhuman bones in 18.7% of them. The information on these registrationcards generally comes from a prospect or visit, rather thaninterventions by digging test pits or excavation. For this reason, webelieve that this percentage should be considered high. Seventy per centof the publications refer to site burials (TABLE 1), skeletons from allage groups and of both sexes (Carvalho 1984; Mendonca de Souza 1995;Uchoa et al. 1989). This summarized information shows that thesambaquis, from different periods and regions, were the chosen locus forthe funeral ritual.Sambaqui, a locus of dwellingMaterial related to a group that obtained its livelihood by fishing,gathering and hunting is found in the sambaquis. Artefacts include bonearrowheads, perforated fish vertebrae fish vertebraeRadiology A descriptor for biconcave, fish-like vertebrae, caused by infarction and central bone collapse due to thrombosis of the vertebral arteries, a finding typical of sickle cell anemia, which often occurs before the 2nd and sharks' teeth,polished-stone axe-blades, grinders, nut crackers, hammers and manos,and innumerable quartz flakes. Incomplete objects in different stages offabrication fabrication (fab´rikā´shn),n the construction or making of a restoration. indicate that the sambaquis were locales for theirmanufacture. The ends of the mammal long bones were discarded in makingbone arrowheads, and fragments resulted from direct or bipolarpercussion during the production of lithic lith��ic?1?adj.Consisting of or relating to stone or rock.Adj. 1. lithic - of or containing lithium2. lithic - relating to or composed of stone; "lithic sandstone" artefacts (Gaspar 1991).[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED] Even so, some sites can becharacterized by the abundance of these materials, others by theirscarcity (Prous 1991: 246-7).Activities linked to food-processing are widely mentioned. Fires andcooking hearths also indicate the use of the site as a dwelling place.The presence of innumerable artefacts and evidence of diverse stages oftheir fabrication show these sites were places for the accumulation anddisposal of industrial ware. These materials also indicate that thepopulation of the sambaquis undertook routine activities typical[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 2 OMITTED] of those involved in fishing,gathering and hunting.TABLE 3. Radiocarbon determinations from sites located in thehydrographic basin of the rivers Sao Joao, Una and Araruama lagoon.site radiocarbon reference determination (years b.p.)Forte 2240[+ or -]70 Kneip 1980 3940[+ or -]140 4330[+ or -]140 5520[+ or -]120Geriba II 5150[+ or -]110 Tenorio in pressSalinas Peroano 4340[+ or -]70 Gaspar 1991Condominio 4190[+ or -]130 Tenorio in pressItirinho 3270[+ or -]70 Tenorio 1992Corondo 3010[+ or -]80 Carvalho 1984 3215[+ or -]90 3720[+ or -]95 4260[+ or -]75Malhada 710[+ or -]60 Mendonca de 3050[+ or -]80 Souza 1978 3580[+ or -]80 3725[+ or -]75 4020[+ or -]80Ury 3975[+ or -]160 Dias 1978Boca da Barra 3760[+ or -]180 Tenorio in pressTambor 3200[+ or -]135 Mendonca de 3635[+ or -]135 Souza 1995Geriba I 1480[+ or -]90 Tenorio in pressAlongside these usual artefacts are particularities from differentsites and regions, especially the sculptures in bone and stonerepresenting fish, birds, humans and other extremely geometrical shapes.These sculptures, usually displaying a concavity con��cav��i��tyn.A hollow or depression that is curved like the inner surface of a sphere.concavity,n 1. the condition of being concave.n 2. in one side, are carvedwith such a realistic skill that the animal species can be identified.The patterned use of geometric shapes This is a list of geometric shapes. Generally composed of straight line segmentspolygon concave polygon constructible polygon and the systematic ways theanimals are depicted point to rigid stylistic rules that were sociallyshared by people over great distances (Prous 1991: 234).Another indicator that these sites were places of habitation is theevidence of dwellings found in them, habitation structures which rangefrom post-holes to wood posts, as well as compacted clay floors in someregions. TABLE 2, up-dated from Barbosa (in press), summarizes these.This information, not abundant and only recently studied in detail,refers to different regions and periods. Wherever the researchers havemanaged to determine their shape, the structures are circular orelliptical el��lip��tic? or el��lip��ti��caladj.1. Of, relating to, or having the shape of an ellipse.2. Containing or characterized by ellipsis.3. a. . These structures could have been used for other purposes -wood frames? ritual paraphernalia PARAPHERNALIA. The name given to all such things as a woman has a right to retain as her own property, after her husband's death; they consist generally of her clothing, jewels, and ornaments suitable to her condition, which she used personally during his life. ? - but all researchers who have foundthese evidences have no doubt of their being habitations (Carvalho 1984;Kneip et al. 1991; Barbosa et al. 1994).We suspect that the small quantity of evidence is due to fieldmethods still in use. Post-holes are quite tenuous evidence; anexcavation made in haste Adv. 1. in haste - in a hurried or hasty manner; "the way they buried him so hurriedly was disgraceful"; "hastily, he scanned the headlines"; "sold in haste and at a sacrifice"hastily, hurriedly might overlook their presence. As they are notdistributed over the whole area of the site, the digging of test pits ortrenches might not discover them. When they are found, the descriptionsleave no doubt as to the structure's utilization: 'Habitations1 and 2 have approximately a circular base, and probably had a coveringwhich formed an arch; this is presumed from the placement of the poles.In the center two poles were placed in holes made of clay' (Kneipet al. 1991).Evaluation of the bibliographic informationThe published information indicates the recurrent association in thesame space of habitation, burials and accumulated of industrial andfaunal remains, together delimiting a 'collectiveindividuality' for coastal areas in the south and southeast ofBrazil. This 'collective individuality' certainly presentsregional and temporal peculiarities which have not been satisfactorilyinvestigated by analysing sites isolated in time and space. It ispertinent to realize detailed studies with controlled information.Two research projects seek to establish regional specifities insambaqui settlement pattern and formation process in two regions of theBrazilian coast - northeast Rio de Janeiro state and south SantaCatarina.These research projects, in different stages of knowledge about theirregions, do not share conceptions about the process of sambaquiformation. The research in Rio de Janeiro state precedes that in SantaCatarina, and it was in Rio de Janeiro that the faunal remains wereunderstood to be construction material.Rio de JaneiroThe Rio de Janeiro research was conducted in the area which includesthe basin of the rivers Sao Joao, Una and the Araruama lagoon -approximately 2700 sq. km with 62 registered sites.(1) This area hasbeen intensely settled since the beginning of the European colonization colonization,extension of political and economic control over an area by a state whose nationals have occupied the area and usually possess organizational or technological superiority over the native population. ;many sites have been completely destroyed, of which there is only littleand dispersed information. So our study was centred mainly onsystematizing the existing information, although some areas wereprospected and a few sites were excavated.This research, in the late 1980s, should be taken only as a firstapproach to the region. We could not count on a good number of dates(TABLE 3), interventions were not made into more sites, and informationwas not available precisely to characterize of the palaeo-landscape.This analysis of the spatial distribution of the sites indicated thatthe settlement of the area did not happen through isolated settlementsbut through their concentration. Study of dates and of the area ofresource availability, as proposed by Flannery (1970), indicated thatgroupings of sambaquis (made up of an average of 7.1 sites) are thesociologically significant units.Analysis of site dimensions identified both small and big sites.Relating these different size classes to environmental characteristicssignificant for occupation - altitude, visibility, distance fromdrinking water drinking watersupply of water available to animals for drinking supplied via nipples, in troughs, dams, ponds and larger natural water sources; an insufficient supply leads to dehydration; it can be the source of infection, e.g. leptospirosis, salmonellosis, or of poisoning, e.g. , protection from wind - we notice that environmentalpositioning was pertinent to both classes of sites; but big sites werebetter positioned in relation to these factors.The larger sites are rarer and - as are the small ones - distributedin all the groupings of sambaquis. By relating the dimensions of thesites to their importance in the area (Zipt apud Gibbon gibbon,small ape, genus Hyloblates, found in the forests of SE Asia. The gibbons, including the siamang, are known as the small, or lesser, apes; they are the most highly adapted of the apes to arboreal life. 1984), we foundsome privileged spots which united ideal conditions for implantation ofthe settlements; these are where the larger sites are located. Thisarticulation between social vectors and environmental characteristicsturned these places into privileged spots in the social hierarchy Social hierarchyA fundamental aspect of social organization that is established by fighting or display behavior and results in a ranking of the animals in a group. .Sao Joao groupingIn a second stage of this research project, we turned to the set ofsites denominated Sao Joao, paying special attention to settlementfunction and to sambaqui formation process.The nine sambaquis are located on the fluvial flu��vi��al?adj.1. Of, relating to, or inhabiting a river or stream.2. Produced by the action of a river or stream.[Middle English, from Latin plain between therivers Una and Sao Joao [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. The area,colonized ColonizedThis occurs when a microorganism is found on or in a person without causing a disease.Mentioned in: Isolation by Jesuits in the early 16th century who founded the CamposNovos farm, has undergone violent alterations ever since: destruction ofthe forest for the extraction of prime timber, preparation of the landfor agriculture, drainage of rivers and canals to create pastures(Lamego 1974). It is still a rural area, despite being very close to oneof the most important tourist spots in the country. Occupied by settlersand marked by land disputes, it is still without electricity ortelephones in many parts. We were unable to undertake surveys before the1980s due to the clashes over land near the Campos Novos farm.The greatest development in the area is the highway which links thecapital to the north of the state and the innumerable drainage ditches,which have dried out the whole area. The drainage system Noun 1. drainage system - a system of watercourses or drains for carrying off excess watersystem - instrumentality that combines interrelated interacting artifacts designed to work as a coherent entity; "he bought a new stereo system"; "the system consists of a completelychanged the features of the landscape, described in the 1950s as a swamparea 'where the hills stand out from the flood lands and thelimitless expanse of marshes' (Lamego 1974: 161).We concentrated our researches on the four sambaquis Ilha da BoaVista (IBV IBV Infectious Bronchitis VirusIBV Information Behaviors and ValuesIBV Ibm Institute for Business Value ) I, II, III and IV and their surroundings. These sites, alllocated on the same beach ridge A beach ridge is a wave-swept or wave-deposited ridge running parallel to a shoreline. It is commonly composed of sand as well as sediment worked from underlying beach material. The movement of sediment by wave action is called littoral transport. , are distributed along an axis of 1900 m(TABLE 4). They are similar in morphology, tending to an ellipticalshape [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. They are very close to eachother in size (length, width and depth of the archaeological layer), andtheir characteristics place them in the category of smaller sites (TABLE5). The datings obtained suggest that they were all contemporaneous;during a certain period, three were active at the same time[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED].IBV-I was the object of extensive excavation to study its internalspatial arrangement Noun 1. spatial arrangement - the property possessed by an array of things that have space between themspacingplacement, arrangement - the spatial property of the way in which something is placed; "the arrangement of the furniture"; "the placement of the . We opened two 1-m wide trenches, north-south (36 m)and east-west (40 m), crossing at the highest point of the site. Thenortheast quadrant (58 sq. m), delimited de��lim��it? also de��lim��i��tatetr.v. de��lim��it��ed also de��lim��i��tat��ed, de��lim��it��ing also de��lim��i��tat��ing, de��lim��its also de��lim��i��tatesTo establish the limits or boundaries of; demarcate. by the trenches, was totallyexcavated. In this quadrant, post-holes and hut floors were identified.The archaeological layer is sandy and of dark colour due to itsorganic material, with faunal remains in concentrations and dispersed inthin layers. In the shell concentrations are a significant amount ofbone and shell artefacts, which led us to consider these concentrationsas areas for disposal. Some bonfires are associated with burials, partof the funerary ritual; other fires, which present the remains of burntnuts and shells, were considered as places for food-processing.TABLE 4. Distances in metres between sites IBV-I, II, III and IV.sites IBV-I IBV-II IBV-III IBV-IVIBV-II 400 - 1000 700IBV-III 800 1200 - 1900IBV-IV 1100 700 1900 -TABLE 5. Dimensions in metres of sites IBV-I, H, [II and IV. IBV-I IBV-II IBV-III IBV-IVlength 40 50 50 50width 36 40 40 40maximum thickness 2.1 1 0.6 1.1of archaeologicallayerA total of 86 post-holes, of about 10 cm diameter and 5 cm depth,were registered in the site sediments. They were found especially in theclay concretions considered to be hut floors, Sets of post-holes andclay floors indicate that the huts were elliptical in shape and theirsize was approximately 39 sq. m [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5 OMITTED].The actual living area was prepared by mixing clay with shellfragments; in this way it is differentiated from the surroundings thatwere characterized by faunal remains. In the centre of the site is asuccession of horizontal clay lenses with a depth of 5-10 cm,interspersed by thin layers of dark grey sandy sediment, made up ofcharcoal and compact shell fragments with a depth of 1-5 cm. Theyindicate a succession of episodes related to building habitations.Large, thin fire stains are considered evidence for the burning of hutsfor replacement. There were individuals of both sexes and of differentages in the burials, a total of 29, buried singly or with others. Theseburials are preferentially located under the clay concretions, thoseconsidered to be hut floors. Nevertheless, some burials were found inthe areas with faunal remains.site laboratory material conventional calibrated number age b.p. age BPIBV-I Orstom-1116 charcoal 3110[+ or -]60 3375-3254 3221-3220IBV-I Orstom-1069 charcoal 3210[+ or -]50 3466-3369IBV-I Orstom-1073 charcoal 3410[+ or -]60 3699-3575IBV-I Orstom-1077 charcoal 3480[+ or -]100 3363-3627IBV-II Beta-94622 charcoal 3670[+ or -]80 4230-2065IBV-II Beta-94621 charcoal 2060[+ or -]60 2145-2025IBV-III Beta-95596 charcoal 2820[+ or -]200 2360-3340IBV-IV Beta-94625 charcoal 3740[+ or -]110 4415-3825IBV-IV Beta-94624 charcoal 1920[+ or -]60 1985-2190Considering the characteristics of the materials and their spatialarrangements, we propose that the increase in size of the site waschiefly associated with routine practices for preparing food anddiscarding the remains, a routine associated with the daily rhythm offood-processing. From time to time, the remains that had been scatteredat the edges of the settlement were spread out, forming the lenses ofshells that could be seen in the profile. In this manner a new platformwas established.Small surveys were conducted at the other sites. Test pits (0.50x1.0m) were dug in their centres, down to the sterile layer. Our object wasto compare the contents of the different sites to see if the sameactivities were conducted in them. The material recovered from the sitesindicates similarities between the settlements; food remains, humanbones and artefacts were recovered in all the sites. Study of theartefacts shows a marked similarity between the four collections.The collection from IBV-I, where the larger area was excavated, isthe most complete. The most limited is the collection from IBV-III,containing only lithic artefacts; this is also the site in the worststate of preservation, due to intensive ploughing. The four collectionspresent site burials. A large number occur in IBV-I, only one in IBV-IV,and scattered bones in the others. The collections from IBV-I and IBV-IVare the most alike; similar structures also occur, especially the clayconcretions characteristic of hut floors covering a burial. In IBV-Ithere were seven such occurrences, which suggests that burial beneaththe hut floors was recurrent in these sites and at others in this region(Carvalho: 1994).In reference to alimentary alimentary/al��i��men��ta��ry/ (al?i-men��tah-re) pertaining to food or nutritive material, or to the organs of digestion. al��i��men��ta��ryadj.1. remains, all the collections showed apredominance of these invertebrates: Pomacea sp., Anadara ovalis, Ostreasp., Lucina pectinata and Donax hanleyanus. Among the vertebrates, thererecur elasmobranchs (sharks of diverse species), rodents (Cavia sp.),chelonia (turtles), monkeys, and Dasypus sp. (armadillos). Among theland animals Cavia sp. (guinea pig guinea pig(gĭn`ē), domesticated form of the cavy, Cavia porcellus, a South American rodent. It is unrelated to the pig; the name may refer to its shrill squeal. ) is well represented in allcollections.In spite of the distinctive aspects of each site - considered due tosample size - their common background allows us to state that similaractivities were performed in relation to the preparation of food, themanufacture of artefacts, habitation and the burial of the dead. Wesystematically studied the surroundings of IBV-I to certify that thesambaqui was the principal locus of social activity and the exclusiveplace of habitation (TABLE 6).Our long stay in the area (109 days) allowed us to interview localpeople, especially those involved with working the soil. None of thepeople we interviewed mentioned having found archaeological materialoutside the area of the sambaquis. We surveyed 62,300 sq. m of the areasurrounding IBV-I which had been ploughed or recently sown sown?v.A past participle of sow1.Adj. 1. sown - sprinkled with seed; "a seeded lawn"seededplanted - set in the soil for growth . The earthwas highly visible in these areas, they were examined in detail at 5-mintervals. We examined the exposed profiles, the material taken fromdrainage ditches and from a well dug with a tractor. We set up radialpaths starting from the site in eight directions related to the cardinalpoints over a distance of 500 m in eight radiating directions; alongthose every 50 m small test-pits (20x20 cm and a depth of 50 cm) wereopened, to look for subsoil subsoilLayer (stratum) of earth immediately below the surface soil, consisting predominantly of minerals and leached materials such as iron and aluminum compounds. Humus remains and clay accumulate in subsoil, but the teeming macroscopic and microscopic organisms that make evidence. As the place chosen for settlementwas the beach ridge, this area received our special attention, and wesurveyed it for 2500 m north-south. The other three sites are located onthis axis. From each site we ran 500-m transects, north-south andeast-west, digging test-pits at the same intervals and with the samesize as before [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED]. Around IBV-I we dugfour test-pits (50x50 and 80 cm deep), at a distance of 30 m from thecentre of the site and as an extension of the trenches.TABLE 6. Indicators that in the sambaquis of IBVs were executed thetypes of activities that characterize a place of dwelling, burialground and accumulation of food and industry remains. sambaquisindicators IBV-I IBV-II IBV-III IBV-IVfunerary ritualburial X Xscattered human bone X X X Xdwellingpost-hole Xclay floor X Xclay floor fragments X X X Xindustrial remainsbone arrowhead X X Xcylinder Xbones showing signs of work X X Xperforated vertebrae Xspatula Xperforated teeth X X Xperforated claw Xflake X X X Xpebble flake Xresidues of flint-knapping X X X Xhammerstone X'nut crackers' Xmortar Xpolisher Xaxe blade polisher Xscraper shell X X Xshell with orifice Xfood remainsPomacea caniculata X X X XLucina pectinata X X X XOstrea sp. X X X XProtothca pectorina X X X XDonax hanleyanus X X X XSciadeichthys luniscutis X X X XCavia sp. X X X XChelone X X X XElasmobranchii X X X Xnut (carbonized) X X XThis study of the surroundings, providing significant knowledge ofthe area, allows us to state with a high degree of certainty that thereis no evidence related to habitation outside the sites. The onlyelements found were quartz flakes, sometimes they were scatteredfragments, at others they made groups, which indicated the flakingstations.Even though the contents of the sambaquis present specific features,they include the same categories of evidence - faunal remains related tothe recurring diet of the people of sambaquis, artefacts and/orfragments of artefacts, human remains, and at some sites evidence ofhabitation. All these indicate that these sites were dwelling places,loci for the accumulation of animal remains and artefacts, as well asburial grounds. The very similar morphology and size of these sites maybe strong indicators that they shared a similar function. At leastthree, according to the datings, were in use at the same time. At eachsettlement a set of similar activities was carried out, in thisprincipal place for social interaction.We would like to include in these considerations two large siteswhich are part of the Sao Joao grouping. The limited information fromthese sites may show if differences in size relate to diverse functions.The first of these large sites, Tambor, was the object of only asmall survey (Dias 1969). At 6 m high, it is three times the size of theIBVs. Located at a distance of 5.5 km from the IBVs, the datings -3635[+ or -]135 and 3200[+ or -]190 b.p. - indicate that it was builtaround the same time (Mendonca de Souza 1995). Its shape, in spite ofthe difference in size, was similar to IBVs. All we know about itscontents is that there are human and the same animal remains found inthe other sites.The other sambaqui - Gravata - is now totally destroyed; there isreason to suppose that its dimensions were similar to Tambor's. Wevisited the site several times in attempting to preserve it. Duringthese visits we noticed an abundance of mollusc shells, fish bones,human bones and fragments of the concretions that characterize thehabitation floors found in IBV-I.The only other big site for which there is significant information,Corondo, does not belong to the Sao Joao 'grouping', eventhough at 8 km it is not at a great distance. The datings show it was inuse during the same period as the IBVs [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4OMITTED]. Systematic excavations indicate that it was a place ofhabitation its recurrent use for funerary rituals is proved by the 120individuals (Machado 1984; Carvalho 1984).Only one other large sambaqui in southeastern Brazil has beenresearched systematically, Sernambetiba, located at the back ofGuanabara bay Gua��na��ba��ra Bay?An inlet of the Atlantic Ocean on the southeast coast of Brazil. The city of Rio de Janeiro is on its southwest shore. . Despite being altered when first researched, it was still6 m high, 100 m long and 80 m wide. The results of a small study (6x8 m)suggest that at this sambaqui the same activities were performed as atthe others (Beltrao et al. 1981/82).This information - although fragmentary frag��men��tar��y?adj.Consisting of small, disconnected parts: a picture that emerges from fragmentary information.frag - indicates that the samerange of activities were performed in the big and in the smallsambaquis. It is still unknown how the articulation between thesedifferent activities and the successive superposition su��per��po��si��tion?n.1. The act of superposing or the state of being superposed: "Yet another technique in the forensic specialist's repertoire is photo superposition" of events led totheir large dimensions. It seems that the difference in size resultsfrom the different number of people who lived at the site, not fromdifferent functions. Larger sambaquis seem to have had more peopleliving on them for a longer period.Santa CatarinaThe Santa Catarina research project is located in the region ofLaguna, an area of 420 sq. km where 23 sambaquis have been located sofar. (But there are many others)(2) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED].The largest sambaquis in the country are found here, the highest being30 m high.The project, still in its initial stages, aims to study the coastalsettlements, for an environmental contextualization Contextualization of language useContextualization is a word first used in sociolinguistics to refer to the use of language and discourse to signal relevant aspects of an interactional or communicative situation. of the sambaquis,and to consider them as part of a settlement system. Perceiving thesites as spatial markers, our object is to understand the process ofsambaqui formation, and through the study of events related to theirincrease in size to decode the messages that the people who built themwere willing to transmit.The study of the settlement pattern is in its beginnings; already wesee a reality different from the one in Rio de Janeiro state. We focusedour attentions on the Jabuticabeira II sambaqui, for which we do not yethave any datings; based on the datings of other sites near it, webelieve that it was built 4000-3000 b.p. (TABLE 6).The site area is approximately 84,000 sq. m and it is 8 m above thepresent-day surface. It was intensely exploited by shell miners andsignificantly altered, with hundreds of metres of vertical walls nowexposed right in the middle of the mound.In our interventions, we cleaned up those walls producing profiles tostudy the site's internal structure, as well as digging 13test-pits, in different areas, to have a better view of the sambaqui asa whole. 125 m of profiles were mapped out; the results of this study,presented in detail in Fish e! al. (in press), are summarized here.Jabuticabeira II is composed of two basic matrices; one is dark, andrich in organic material; the other is light-coloured and made up ofshells and sand. These seem associated with a differential utilizationof the site. The shell pockets that cover a significant part of the sitehave burials, fires (charcoal and ashes), and evidence of post-holesthat plunge from lenses of dark sediment. No structures for thepreparation and consumption of food were observed. The dark pocket ofsediment, in spite of only a limited intervention - two test-pits -yielded a series of artefacts, pockets of charred wood, burned seeds anda discarde foot bone, and features (cooking pits) that seem to be morein tune with a habitation area.In a significant area of the site the dark matrix is on top of theshell/sand matrix, which might suggest changes through time insettlement function. On the eastern side, however, the dark matrix ispresent from the base of the sambaqui, making it impossible at themoment to interpret site function. Datings are being made, and soon wewill be able to make headway Verb 1. make headway - obtain advantages, such as points, etc.; "The home team was gaining ground"; "After defeating the Knicks, the Blazers pulled ahead of the Lakers in the battle for the number-one playoff berth in the Western Conference" in understanding the total formationprocess.The analysis of the profiles indicated the same recurrent elements -burial pits, hearths and post-holes originating on the surfaces of thesuccessive sambaqui stages. The burials occur at the base as well as atthe top of the profiles, in different parts of the site. Analysis of theskeletons revealed single and multiple burials of both sexes anddifferent ages, accompanied by isolated human bones or whole parts ofskeletons. Some burials had other funerary accompaniment - artefactslike axe-blades, stones with signs of use or necklaces with shell beads.Also burnt shells and fish bones seem a significant part of thematerials associated with burials, as part of the funeraryaccompaniment.A great amount of post-holes were also observed, originating from thethin dark layers amidst the thicker shell layers. At first we thoughtthat the post-holes could be remains of residential structures, but thelarge amount of post-holes in diverse parts of profile and out of levelwith each other put in doubt this first interpretation. It seemedimprobable that our interventions always coincided with the sides of thehouses and that these surfaces were not level. The reduced number ofartefacts, almost always restricted to the burials, as well as thedifficulty in tracing 'domestic' evidence suggest that thesepost-holes were not evidence of habitation. The association ofpost-holes with graves indicates they were probably related to funeraryritual, forming a structure to mark the graves.The hearths have an ample distribution, some in shallow depressionsand others on the mound surface. Some were adjacent to the burial pitsand others were inside them. Many times the ashes are intact, indicatingthat they were covered quickly by another layer and did not remainexposed. The hearths seem to have been the last activities before a newepisode of construction.The addition of layers to create the successive stages building upthe sambaqui can be evidenced by the presence of dark surfaces composedof crushed and compacted shells, from where the post-holes plunge. Thesecontrast with the lighter-coloured layers composed of sand and shells.Study of the sequence indicates that the process of increase in sizeof the site was intrinsically related to the funerary ritual. It alsosuggested that the rhythm of accumulation of materials dictated by thispractice was implied in the accumulation of faunal remains that formedthe layers, some up to 60 cm thick, that covered the burials.An analysis of the distribution of the burials allows us to make aestimative for the site as a whole, which indicates that the number ofindividuals buried in Jabuticabeira II would be around 43,840. This highfigure finds confirmation in analysis of the data from another site inthe same area (at a distance of 17 km), the sambaqui of Cabecuda. Theparaphernalia associated with the daily life of a group as large as thismust have left abundant and characteristic marks at the site, but thesewere not verified. This analysis indicates that the main function ofJabuticabeira II sambaqui was related to funerary practices, at least inthe basal layers.On the other hand, habitation is a function usually attributed to thesambaquis. The published information for other sites in the south ofBrazil points to evidences of habitation in the sambaquis: - ahabitation structure at the sambaqui of Caieira (Hurt 1974), cookingpits at Congonhas sambaqui (Beck 1971) - both at a distance of less than15 km from Jabuticabeira II - and areas for the preparation of food atForte Marechal Luz (Bryan 1993).There is still not enough data to advance any further with thistopic; only the study of the process of site formation as is beingundertaken at Jabuticabeira II will allow us to establish the functionof these settlements.ConclusionWe are only beginning to study that 'collectiveindividuality' whose structuring element was the specificities ofthe space built by the sambaqui people.The results of the research from Rio de Janeiro and Santa Catarinapoint to different construction processes, in the first case marked bythe routine rhythm of the accumulation of faunal remain associated withfeeding, in the second associated with the ritual of burial.The studies point to the different functions of the sites. In Rio deJaneiro there is an association between living space and burial ground,while in Santa Catarina there seems to have been a specialization ofsome sites as a locus for burial.The systematic study of these two areas points to a way that willallow us to characterize regionality within 'collectiveindividuality', a way to order the different types of sites. Aboveall, it underlines that only the study of the sambaqui formation processwill allow understanding of the regional aspects. Only by researchstrategies that will give a representative sample of the totality of thesite and by researches that have as a starting point Noun 1. starting point - earliest limiting pointterminus a quocommencement, get-go, offset, outset, showtime, starting time, beginning, start, kickoff, first - the time at which something is supposed to begin; "they got an early start"; "she knew from the that the sambaquisintegrate a settlement system, within which there is a diversity ofsites, will allow this rough outline to be filled out.The structural scheme that we sketched here is just a starting pointin delimiting the sambaqui people's social and cultural unity. Itdeals with a rather ample geographic and chronological context, in whichthe sites of IBVs and Jabuticabeira II are sound examples of diversity.Acknowledgements. Angela Buarque, Maria Cristina Tenorio, Paulo DeBlasis, Suzanne Fish and Paul Fish for the critical reading. EneidaOliveira, Isabela Cascabulho, Jorge Duda and Marcia Barbosa drew themaps and undertook the topographical survey. The faunal identificationwas realized by Elisa Botelho and Levy Figuti.1 Research project supported by FINEP/FUJB/MN; coordinated by MariaDulce Gaspar and Maria Cristina Tenorio.2 Research project supported by Wenner Gren Foundation forAnthropological Research, Heinz Foundation, FAPESP FAPESP Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (Brazil), USP USP - unique sales point and IPHAN;coordinated by Paulo De Blasis, Paul Fish, Suzanne K. Fish, Maria DulceGaspar and Edna Morley.ReferencesAFONSO, M.C. & P.A.D. DE BLASIS. 1994. Aspectos da formacao de umgrande sambaqui: alguns indicadores em Espinheiros II, Joinville,Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia [Sao Paulo) 4: 21-30.ANDREATTA, M.D. 1968. Notas parciais sobre pesquisas realizadas noplanalto e litoral do Estado do Parana, Pesquisas (Sao Leopoldo) 18:65-76.ARAUJO, E.M. 1969. 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